Discussion 1,2,3,4

Kim attached is the chapter readings please read before doing four discussions. each discussion shows different chapters where information comes from. look below also each discussion must be 300 words each with 2 references including the book I attached for findings.

book name attached

Bolman, L.G. and Deal, T.E. (2017) Reframing Organizations, (6th ed.). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.

Read chapter 1-2

1. Discussion Topic:  What do the authors mean by reframing organizations and why is it important?

Introduction to Human services leadership

Bolman & Deal Chapter 1-2

2. Discussion Topic: Are leaders Born or Made?  List the top ten traits of an effective leader.

The Role of the Leader in the Structural Frame

Bolman & Deal Chapters 3-5

3.Discussion Topic: How do leadership and management differ?

The Human Resource frame

Bolman & Deal chapters 6, 17

4.Discussion Topic: How do you motivate employees?

Management of Human Resources interpersonal & group dynamics

Bolman & Deal chapters 7-8

 
Do you need a similar assignment done for you from scratch? Order now!
Use Discount Code "Newclient" for a 15% Discount!

BBA3351 Leadership Unit I & Unit II Assessments

Question 11

 

Chapter 2 Case Study: “Consolidated Products” (p. 59 of the textbook) Read the case study and answer the following three questions. 1. Compare the leadership traits and behaviors of Ben Samuels and Phil Jones. 2. Which leader do you think is more effective? Why? Which leader would you prefer to work for? 3. If you were Phil Jones’ boss, what would you do now? Your response should be at least 200 words in length. You are required to use at least your textbook as a source material for your response. All sources used, including the textbook, must be referenced; paraphrased and quoted material must have accompanying citations.

 

 

Question 12

 

Chapter 3 Case Study: “Alvis Corporation” (p. 93 of the textbook) Read the case study and answer the following three questions. 1. Analyze this situation using the Hersey-Blanchard model and the Vroom-Jago model. What do these models suggest as the appropriate leadership or decision style? Explain your answer. 2. Evaluate Kevin McCarthy’s leadership style before and during his experiment in participative management. 3. If you were Kevin McCarthy, what would you do now? Why? Your response should be at least 200 words in length. You are required to use at least your textbook as a source material for your response. All sources used, including the textbook, must be referenced; paraphrased and quoted material must have accompanying citations.

 
Do you need a similar assignment done for you from scratch? Order now!
Use Discount Code "Newclient" for a 15% Discount!

Internal Consistency At Customer First & Compensation Considerations

“Internal Consistency at Customer First” & “Compensation Considerations”

“Internal Consistency at Customer First Please respond to the following:

  • Determine how job analysis and job evaluation could be used at Customers First to develop an internally consistent compensation system.
  • Determine whether or not you agree with Joan’s view on job analysis and job evaluation. Explain your rationale.

“Compensation Considerations Please respond to the following:

  • Determine the best way to leverage compensation surveys to set the level of compensation for your current (or future) job position. Provide specific examples to support your response.
  • From the e-Activity, determine how you would integrate internal job structures with external market pay rates to set a base pay rate for the position you researched.

 

 
Do you need a similar assignment done for you from scratch? Order now!
Use Discount Code "Newclient" for a 15% Discount!

BAM 509 Management Information Systems FINAL EXAM(100 Mcq)

Management Information Systems: Managing the Digital Firm

BAM 509
Management Information Systems

Multiple Choice Questions (Enter your answers on the enclosed answer sheet)
The three activities in an information system that produce the information organizations use to 
control operations are:
input, output, and feedback.
input, processing, and output.
data analysis, processi ng, and feed back.
information retrieval, research, and analysis.
2. Converting raw data into a more meaningful form is called:
processi ng.
organizing.
capturing.
feedback.
The fundamental set of assumptions, values, and ways of doing things that has been accepted 
by most of a company’s members is called its:
atmosphere.
environment.
culture.
values.
4. The hardware and software used to transfer data in an organization is called:
networking and telecommunications technology.
data management technology.
networking and data management technology.
data and telecommunications technology.
Networking and telecommunications technologies, along with computer hardware, software, 
data management technology, and the people required to run and manage them, constitute an 
organization’s:
networked environment.
data management environment.
information system.
IT infrastructure.
3

6. An example of a business using information systems for customer and supplier intimacy is:
Wal-Mart’s RetailLink system.
the Mandarin Oriental hotel’s customer-preference tracking system.
Apple Inc.’s iPod.
Verizon’s Web-based digital dashboard.
A corporation that funds a political action committee, which in turn promotes and funds a 
political candidate who agrees with the values of that corporation, could be seen as investing in 
which main category of complementary assets?
Social
Organizational
Governmental
Managerial
Apple Computer dominates the online legal music sales industry primarily because of a failure 
of recording label companies to:
modernize their information value chain.
adopt a new business model.
invest in technology.
invest in complementary assets.
9. Disciplines that contribute to the technical approach to information systems are:
engineering, utilization management, and computer science.
management science, computer science, and engineering.
computer science, engineering, and networking.
operations research, management science, and computer science.
Which field of study focuses on both a behavioral and technical understanding of information 
systems?
Management information systems
Economics
Operations research
Sociology
11. Identifying customers is a responsibility of the     function.
finance and accounting
sales and marketing
manufacturing and production
human resources
4

12. All of the following statements regarding Lotus Notes are true except for:
It began as an e-mail and messaging client.
It is the most widely used collaboration tool at Fortune 1000 companies.
It provides tools for e-mail, calendars, help desk, CRM, blogs, and wikis.
Firmwide installations at a large company require specialized servers and may cost 
millions of dollars per year.
Which type of system would you use to determine what trends in your supplier’s industry will 
affect your firm the most in five years?
ESS
DSS
MIS
TPS
14. What is the most important function of an enterprise application?
Enabling a company to work collaboratively with customers and suppliers
Enabl i ng cost-effective e-busi ness processes
Increasing speed of communicating
Enabling business functions and departments to share information
The point-of-sale Pulse system used by Domino’s to maintain consistent and efficient 
management functions in its restaurants is best categorized as which type of system?
DSS
CRM
TPS
more than one of the above
In Domi no’s upgraded Pulse Evol ution system, it incorporated a Pizza Tracker functional ity 
that shows the progression of individual pizza orders. This is an example of using information 
systems to achieve which business objective?
Improved decision making
Operational excellence
Survival
Customer and supplier intimacy
5

17. The four major enterprise appl ications are:
SCMs, CRMs, DSSs, and KMSs.
enterprise systems, SCMs, CRMs, and KMSs.
enterprise systems, SCMs, DSSs, and CRMs.
SCMs, CRMs, ESSs, and KMSs.
You are planning the launch of your new company, an application service provider that 
provides an online timesheet and project tracking application. To best communicate with and 
manage your relationship with your users, you would want to implement atn).
CMS.
KMS.
intranet.
extra n et.
Which of the following types of system helps expedite the flow of information between the firm 
and its suppliers and customers?
KMS
extra net
intranet
TPS
The use of digital technology and the Internet to execute the major business processes in the 
enterprise is called:
enterprise applications.
e-commerce.
MIS.
e-business.
21. The CPO is responsi ble for:
overseeing the use of information technology in the firm.
making better use of existing knowledge in organizational and management processes.
enforcing the firm’s information security policy.
ensuring that the company complies with existing data privacy laws.
22. Wh ich of the followi ng is not one of the fifteen categories of collaborative software tools?
Event scheduling
White boarding
File sharing
Extranets
6

As discussed in the chapter opening case, which of the four generic strategies did Verizon 
employ to combat the competition offered by AT&T?
Customer and supplier intimacy
Product differentiation
Focus on market niche
Low-cost leadership
How does the technical view of organizations fall short of understanding the full impacts of 
information systems in a firm?
It sees the organization as a social structure similar to a machine.
It sees information systems as a way to rearrange the inputs and outputs of the 
organ ization.
It sees the inputs and outputs, labor and capital, as being infinitely malleable.
It sees capital and labor as primary production factors.
According to the     definition of organizations, an organization is seen as a means by
which primary production factors are transformed into outputs consumed by the environment.
microeconomic
behavioral
sociotechnical
macroeconomic
All of the following are major features of organizations that impact the use of information 
systems EXCEPT for:
goals.
environments.
agency costs.
busi ness processes.
27. Business processes are collections of:
routines.
formalized and documented practices.
informal practices and behaviors.
rights and privi leges.
According to Leavitt’s model of organizational resistance, the four components that must be 
changed in an organization in order to successfully implement a new information system are:
tasks, technology, people, and structure.
technology, people, culture, and structure.
organization, culture, management, and environment
environment, organization, structure, tasks.
7

Amazon’s use of the Internet as a platform to sell books more efficiently than traditional 
bookstores illustrates which type of competitive strategy:
marketi ng effectiveness.
strengthening supplier intimacy.
focusi ng on market niche.
low-cost leadership.
Hilton Hotels’ use of customer information software to identify the most profitable customers 
to direct services to is an example of using information systems to:
strengthen customer intimacy.
differentiate their service.
increase efficiency.
focus on market niche.
31. An example of synergy in business is:
Blockbuster combining traditional video rental with online video rental.
Wal-Mart’s order entry and inventory management system to coordinate with suppliers.
Amazon’s use of the Internet to sell books.
JP Morgan Chase’s mergers with other banks that provided JP Morgan with a network 
of retail branches in new regions.
32. A virtual company:
uses Internet technology to maintain a networked community of users.
uses Internet technology to maintain a virtual storefront.
provides entirely Internet-driven services, or virtual products.
uses the capabilities of other companies without being physically tied to those 
companies.
33. Which of the following best describes how new information systems result in legal gray areas?
They work with networked, electronic data, which are more difficult to control than
information stored man ually.
They are implemented by technicians rather than managers.
They result in new situations that are not covered by old laws.
They are created from sets of logical and technological rules rather than social or 
organ izational mores.
Which of the five moral dimensions of the information age do the central business activities of 
ChoicePoint raise?
System quality
Property rights and obi igations
I nformation rights and obi igations
Accountability and control
8
35. The feature of social institutions that means mechanisms are in place to determine 
responsibility for an action is called:
the judicial system.
the courts of appeal.
due process.
accountability.
Which of the following is not one of the five steps discussed in the chapter as a process for 
analyzing an ethical issue?
Identify the stakeholders.
Identify and clearly describe the facts.
Assign responsibility.
Identify the options you can reasonably take.
37. The Federal Trade Commission FIP principle of Notice/Awareness states that:
data collectors must take responsible steps to assure that consumer information is 
accurate and secure from unauthorized use.
customers must be allowed to choose how their information will be used for secondary 
purposes other than the supporting transaction.
Web sites must disclose their information practices before collecting data.
there is a mechanism in place to enforce FIP principles.
38. European privacy protection is     than in the United States.
much more stringent
less liable to laws
less far-reaching
much less stringent
What legal mechanism protects the owners of intellectual property from having their work 
copied by others?
Patent protection
Fair use doctrine
Intellectual property law
Copyright law
40. Two of the three principal sources of poor system performance are:
hardware or facility failures and malware.
software bugs and errors and outdated standards.
hardware or facility failures and poor input data quality.
poor input data quality and insufficient integration with legacy systems.
9

41. CVS refers to:
eyestrain related to computer display screen use.
wrist injuries brought about by incorrect hand position when using a keyboard.
carpal vision syndrome.
stress induced by technology.
42. Which of the following is NOT an IT infrastructure service component?
Physical facility management to manage the facilities housing physical components
Computing platforms to provide a coherent digital environment
IT management services to plan and develop the infrastructure and provide 
project management
Operating system software
43. In a multi-tiered network:
processing is split between clients and servers.
processing is handled by multiple, geographically remote clients.
the work of the entire network is centralized.
the work of the entire network is balanced over several levels of servers.
44.     unleash powerful economies of scale and result in declines in manufactured
computer products.
CI ientlserver tech nologies
I nternet and web technologies
Technology standards
Linux and open-source software
45. A SAN is a     network.
server area
service-oriented arch itecture
scalable architecture
storage area
46. The leading networking hardware providers include:
Dell, HP/Compaq, and IBM.
IBM, Oracle, and Sun.
Cisco, Alcatel-Lucent, and Nortel.
Seagate, Maxtor, and Western Digital.
10

47. Which of the following is NOT an example of the emerging mobile computing platforms?
netbooks
CRM
cell phones
the Kindle
48. Linux is:
an example of open-source software.
especially useful for processing numeric data.
designed for specific machines and specific microprocessors.
primarily concerned with the tasks of end users.
49. What is the foundation technology for Web services?
HTML
UDDI
SOAP
XML
Which of the following is NOT one of the main six factors to consider when evaluating how 
much your firm should spend on IT infrastructure?
Your firm’s organizational culture
Your firm’s business strategy
Market demand for your firm’s services
The IT investments made by competitor firms
51. Which of the following non-digital data storage items is most similar to a database?
Cash register receipt
Library card catalog
List of sales totals on a spreadsheet
Doctor’s office invoice
52. DBMS for midrange computers include all of the following EXCEPT:
DB2.
Microsoft SQL Server.
Oracle.
Microsoft Access.
11

An automated or manual file that stores information about data elements and data 
characteristics such as usage, physical representation, ownership, authorization, and security 
is the:
data definition diagram.
data dictionary.
entity-relationship diagram.
relationship dictionary.
54. The most prominent data manipulation language today is:
Access.
SQL.

55. OBMSs typically include report-generating tools in order to:
retrieve and display data.
display data in an easier-to-read format.
perform predictive analysis.
display data in graphs.
56. Which of the following is not one of the techniques used in Web mining?
User mining
Content mining
Usage mining
Structure mining
57. A data warehouse is composed of:
historic and current internal data.
historical data from legacy systems.
internal and external data sources.
current data.
58.     tools are used to analyze large unstructured data sets, such as e-mail, memos,
survey responses, etc., to discover patterns and relationships.

Text mining Web content mining
Web mining
12

The special organizational function whose responsibilities include the technical and 
operational aspects of managing data, including physical database design and maintenance, 
is called:
database administration.
data auditing.
information policy administration.
data administration.
60. In TCP/IP, IP is responsible for:
disassembling and reassembling of packets during transmission.
movi ng packets over the network.
establishing an Internet connection between two computers.
sequencing the transfer of packets.
61. Which signal types are represented by a continuous waveform?
Laser
Optical
Analog
Digital
62. All network components connect to a single hub in a     topology.
domain
peer-to-peer
bus
star
63. A network that covers broad geographical regions is most commonly referred to as atn).
intranet.
local area network.
wide area network.
peer-to-peer network.
64. Passive RFID tags:
are used in automated toll-collection systems.
enable data to be rewritten and modified.
have their own power source.
have a range of several feet.
13

Inputting data into a poorly programmed Web form in order to disrupt a company’s systems 
and networks is called:
key logging.
a Trojan horse.
a DDoS attack.
an SQL injection attack.
66. The I nternet poses specific security problems because:
Internet data is not run over secure lines.
it changes so rapidly.
Internet standards are universal.
it was designed to be easily accessible.
An independent computer program that copies itself from one computer to another over a 
network is called a:
Trojan horse.
worm.
pest.
bug.
Using numerous computers to inundate and overwhelm the network from numerous launch
points is called a     attack.

DDos
SQL injection
DoS
69. The Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act:
specifies best practices in information systems security and control.
outlines medical security and privacy rules.
requires financial institutions to ensure the security of customer data.
imposes responsibility on companies and management to safeguard the accuracy of 
financial information.
70. The most common type of electronic evidence is:
voice mail.
instant messages.
spreadsheets.
e-mail.
14

7l. Rigorous password systems:
are one of the most effective security tools.
may hinder employee productivity.
are often disregarded by employees.
are costly to implement.
72. Why is overstocking warehouses not an effective solution for a problem of low availability?
It increases inventory costs.
It increases sales costs.
It does not speed product time to market.
It is an inefficient use of raw materials.
Customer relationship management systems typically provide software and online tools for 
sales, customer service, and:
account management.
marketing.
advertising.
public relations.
74. Customer service modules in CRM systems provide tools for:
managing sales prospect and contact information.
capturing prospect and customer data.
identifying profitable and unprofitable customers.
assigning and managing customer service requests.
Which of the following is an important capability for sales processes that is found in most 
major CRM software products?
Returns management
Events management
Channel promotions management
Lead management
76. Analytical CRM applications:
provide consolidated data for operational CRM applications.
provide customer-facing applications.
are based on data warehouses consol idated from operational CR M appl ications.
include tools for marketing automation.
15

How are the Internet and e-commerce causing severe disruption to the existing advertising 
business model?
New methods of advertising, such as blog advertising, are emerging.
Ties between customer and businesses are being rethought.
Technology players such as Yahoo! seek to dominate online advertising and expand into 
offl i ne ad brokerage.
The market entry costs for online advertising services are extremely low.
78. I nformation density refers to the:
total amount and quality of information available to all market participants.
total amount and quantity of information delivered to consumers by merchants.
richness, complexity and content of a message.
amount of information available to reduce price transparency.
79. Digital goods are goods that are:
delivered digitally.
sold over digital networks.
used with digital equipment.
produced digitally.
In a phenomenon called     , some argue that large numbers of people can make better
decisions about a wide range of topics or products than a single person or even a small 
committee of experts.
crowdsourcing
the wisdom of crowds
outsourci ng
social networki ng
Netflix’s public announcement of a reward for a technology solution to its movie 
recommendation system is an example of:
crowdsourcing.
behavioral targeting.
long-tail marketing.
prediction markets.
82. In the United States, m-commerce:
now represents a major fraction of total e-commerce transactions.
is still in its infancy.
is growing slowly.
has become widely adopted.
16

What type of knowledge management system did Canadian Tire implement in order to improve 
the communications with dealers?
Knowledge network system
Digital asset management system
Learning management system
Content management system
Changing organizational behavior by sensing and responding to new experience and 
knowledge is called:
organ izational learn ing.
change management.
the knowledge value chain.
knowledge networking.
85. Fuzzy logic is a type of:
business intelligence.
intelligent technique.
neural network.
data mining.
Once a knowledge taxonomy is developed, documents are all     with the proper
classification.
tagged
referenced
linked
tupled
87. An inference engine is:
a strategy for searching the rule base in case-based reasoning.
a strategy used to search through the rule base in an expert system by forward chaining 
or backward chaining.
a method of organizing expert system knowledge into chunks.
the programming environment of an expert system.
The type of decision that can made by following a definite procedure is called atn)     _
decision.
structured
semistructured
procedural
unstructured
17

As discussed in the chapter text, the three main reasons that investments in information 
technology do not always produce positive results are:
information qual ity, information integrity, and information accuracy.
management support, technical logistics, and user compliance.
organization, environment, culture.
information quality, organizational culture, and management filters.
Which of the following is a disadvantage of high-velocity, automated decision-making 
systems?
Inability to handle structured decisions
I nabi I ity to hand led semi-structured decisions
Inability to handle high volumes of decisions
Inability to control themselves and respond to new environments
The information system used by Caesar’s Entertai nment, which combi nes data from internal 
TPS with information from financial systems and external sources to deliver reports such as 
profit-loss statements, impact analyses, is an example of:
CDSS.
MIS.
DSS.
ESS.
92.     are visual tools for presenting performance data in a BI system.
Scenarios and models
Reports and the drill-down feature
Paramaterized reports
Dashboards and scorecards
The four kinds of structural organizational change enabled by IT, in order from least to most 
risky, are:
rationalization, automation, reengineering, and paradigm shift.
automation, redesigning, restructuring, and paradigm shift.
automation, rationalization, reengineering, and paradigm shift.
rationalization, automation, reengineering, and redesigning.
94. What is the greatest barrier to successful business process change?
usability of implemented solution
selecting the correct process to change
ineffective project management
organizational culture
18

Compared to the use of proprietary components, Web services promise to be less expensive 
and less difficult to implement because of:
their ability to integrate seamlessly with legacy systems.
the ability to reuse Web services components.
the ubiquity of the Internet.
the use of universal standards.
96.     development focuses on rapid delivery of working software by breaking a large
project into a series of small sub-projects that are completed in short periods of time using 
iteration and continuous feedback.
Agile
Object-oriented
Rapid application
Joint application
On average, private sector IT projects underestimated budget and delivery time of systems by 
___ percent.
60
40 
c.30 
d. 50
At the top of the management structure for information systems projects in a large company 
is:
the corporate strategic planning group.
the cia.
the IS steering committee.
project management.
A road map indicating the direction of systems development, the rationale, the current 
systems, new developments to consider, the management strategy, the implementation plan, 
and the budget is called atn):
information systems plan.
portfolio analysis.
enterprise analysis.
project plan.
100. Which method would you use is used to develop risk profiles for a firm’s information system 
projects and assets?

CSF
scoring model
portfolio analysis
information systems plan

 
Do you need a similar assignment done for you from scratch? Order now!
Use Discount Code "Newclient" for a 15% Discount!

Introduction To Human Services, Epilogue

Know that many personal troubles cannot be solved merely as troubles, but must be understood in terms of public issues—and in terms of the problems of history making. Know that the human meaning of public issues must be revealed by relating them to personal troubles—and to the problems of the individual life. (C. Wright Mills, 1959, p. 226)

When students consider entering the field of human services, they often do so because they want to help people meet their basic needs by counseling them, helping them obtain much-needed services, and teaching them to learn new ways of meeting their needs in the future. In other words, most students think of direct clinical practice with individuals and families when considering a career in the human services profession. But many times the “personal troubles” a client is encountering are being caused by some external source—an injustice that is structural or systemic such as the school system that offers no bus service and therefore inadvertently contributes to low-income students’ truancy rates, or a government social welfare policy that inadvertently punishes single mothers who work part-time by cutting their benefits, or a “three-strikes” law that sends a young man to jail for 25 years for a third, yet relatively minor, offense. How does the human service professional combat harmful policies that punish when they should reward or unfair legislation that hurts certain segments of the population?

The human services profession is grounded in the notion that people are a part of larger systems and to truly understand the individual one must understand the broader system this individual is operating within. The discussion of Bowen’s Family Systems Theory in chapter 4 is a good place to start in understanding how systems work, noting that there is a reciprocal dynamic involving both the individual and the system, where each has an impact on the other. Hence, an individual can receive years of counseling, but until structural deficiencies are addressed, they will continue to experience difficulty in some manner.

It is important, then, for human service professionals to recognize that people can be helped by approaching problems on various levels. By way of comparison, if as a human service professional you were committed to eradicating violence within society, you might choose to work with victims of domestic violence in the hope that counseling them might help your clients recognize the signs of abuse and avoid engaging in abusive relationships in the future. This approach would involve micro practice—practice with individuals. You might also decide to facilitate treatment groups for batterers believing that the greatest likelihood of change can be accomplished by addressing the perpetrators of violence in a group setting where each group member can learn from the other. This approach would involve mezzo practice—practice with groups.

But, if you decided to address the problem of violence by working with an entire community, locally, nationally, or perhaps even globally, by creating a new program in your agency, by conducting a public awareness campaign to educate the population about the prevalence of violence, or by lobbying for the passage of antiviolence legislation, then you would be conducting macro practice—practice with communities and organizations.

Macro practice involves addressing and confronting social issues that can act as a barrier to getting one’s basic needs met on an organizational level by creating structural change through social action. The most basic themes involved in macro practice include advocating for social and economic justice and human rights for all members of society to end human oppression and exploitation (Weil, 1996). There are several ways social change is accomplished through macro practice, including program development, community development through community organizing, policy practice, and international or global advocacy.

Thus, although direct clinical practice is important, working with entire systems to promote positive structural change on all fronts is equally important. Some human service professionals work solely in macro practice in administrative positions or policy practice conducting no direct practice whatsoever, but a great many human service professionals who are involved in micro practice are also involved in macro practice on at least some level. For instance, when I worked as a victim advocate for a local state’s attorney’s office, I counseled victims of violent crime. But I also served on a domestic violence advisory coalition that evaluated community concerns and interagency coordination.

Why Macro Practice?

Human service professionals might ask themselves why they should be concerned about what is happening to people in an entire community, in a different part of the country, or in a completely different part of the world. But a foundational value of the human services profession is a commitment to social justice and human rights achieved through social action and social change. This is particularly relevant to human service professionals living in the United States in light of the fact that many clients in need of human services assistance have emigrated from countries where they were victims of oppression and human rights violations. This requires an understanding on the part of the human service professional of the wide range of global abuses related to social injustice and human rights abuses, as well as recognizing how these abuses have implications on direct practice with individual clients.

Human service professionals must also be aware of the history of social injustices and human rights abuses that have occurred within U.S. borders as well as including developing an awareness of what groups are most likely to be targets of discrimination and oppression. For instance, Calkin (2000) discussed the abuse and oppression of minorities and the poor within the U.S. criminal justice system and the importance of human service professionals accepting a call to social action:

Moment by moment in the practice process, there are opportunities to recognize and support, or to ignore, the power that people bring or could bring to their lives and communities. There are opportunities to act respectfully toward someone for whom that is so uncommon, or not to—and to acknowledge when we really can’t understand, to acknowledge the errors of sensitivity we make so often. Human services organizations and professionals can easily be seduced into colluding with violations of human rights, ranging from disrespect toward people already struggling with mental illness or substance abuse to acceptance or resignation in the face of deprivations of basic human rights. (p. 2)

This foundational commitment to social justice is so integral to the human services profession that the professional obligation to social action is reflected in the ethical principles of the discipline. For instance, the National Organization for Human Services (NOHS) (1996) ethical standards reference the human service professionals’ responsibility to society, which includes remaining aware of social issues that impact communities, and initiating social action when necessary by advocating for social change. The National Association of Social Workers (NASW) (1999) ethical standards go one step further by expanding the social workers’ responsibility to the international level stating that “[s]ocial workers should promote the general welfare of society, from local to global levels, and the development of people, their communities, and their environments” (p. 26).

Unfortunately, the human services profession has gradually moved away from its original call to community action, turning instead to a model of individualized care (Mizrahi, 2001). This is likely due to an increased focus on the increasing popularity of individual psychotherapies within all the mental health professions in the 20th century. This doesn’t mean that macro practice or social advocacy has ceased. Rather, as those in the human services fields have pulled away from community work, other disciplines have moved in to fill the vacuum, such as urban and public planners and those in the political sciences. This pattern has resulted in the human services profession often being out of the loop of community building and organizing efforts (Johnson, 2004). Concerns have also been expressed regarding the trend of neglecting the subject of macro and community practice in human services and social work educational programs, thus compounding the tendency for human service professionals to avoid macro practice because many recent graduates feel ill equipped to enter into social advocacy or policy practice on an organizational level (Polack, 2004).

This movement away from macro practice is apparently an international trend as well because studies generated outside the United States have made some similar observations. For instance, Weiss (2003) cited examples of how many human service professionals in Israel do not feel competent addressing social issues on a community or global level because the majority of their training focused on practice with individual clients. Weiss encourages those in the human services professions both in Israel and abroad to reengage in policy-related activities and social advocacy on a macro level.

The reality is that social issues such as poverty and human exploitation must be addressed through advocacy efforts for social change on a macro level as well as a micro level to create much-needed structural changes. Influencing changes in social policy that affects public aid (such as welfare reform legislation), mental health care (such as mental health parity laws), and even domestic violence issues (such as policies that mandate cooperation between criminal justice agencies and battered women’s shelters) are an integral aspect of human services that directly affect clients’ daily lives.

Vulnerable and Oppressed Populations

Before beginning any discussion on social advocacy efforts it is important to identify populations that are often the target of social injustice, oppression, and human rights violations. It is challenging to comprise a comprehensive list of vulnerable populations because there is some shifting in oppressed people from era to era. For instance, chapter 5 discussed how children although still quite vulnerable are no longer considered an oppressed group in the same way that they were around the turn of the century when poverty and harsh economic conditions led to thousands of children flooding the streets of New York, leading to a significant reduction in sympathy toward orphaned children. Yet children, although still vulnerable, are no longer commonly considered an oppressed group in the United States.

In essence, vulnerable populations can include any group of individuals who are vulnerable to exploitation due to lifestyle, lack of political power, lack of financial resources, and lack of societal advocacy and support. Currently vulnerable populations, those groups who may be at increased risk of social oppression and injustice in need of advocacy, include ethnic minorities, immigrants (particularly those who do not speak English), indigenous people, older adults, women, children in foster care, prisoners, the poor, the homeless, single parents, lesbians, gays, bisexual, and transgendered individuals, members of a religious minority, and the physically and intellectually disabled. In addition, in many regions of the world certain groups of individuals are selected and oppressed due to their ethnic background, religious heritage, and caste (their level of status within society, which in many regions of the world is a level one is born into), and although these individuals may not be in the minority as far as numbers, they typically have little to no political power and are subject to mistreatment and exploitation.

Mobilizing for Change: Shared Goals of Effective Macro Practice Techniques

Macro practice is a multidisciplinary field shared by those in the human services, social sciences, political sciences, and urban planning disciplines. Within the general field of macro practice, models have been developed to frame the various ways of approaching social concerns on a broad level. Although there is a very broad range of theories and models of macro or community practice, most models have at their core the basic goal of societally based social transformation where a community on any level (local, national, or global) incorporates values that reflect human dignity and worth of all its members.

Within most macro practice models empowerment strategies are used that focus on social and economic development, creating liaisons between community members and community organizations, political and social action, which will likely involve advocating for policy changes that address injustices and inequalities within society (Netting, Kettner, & McMurtry, 2009). Various aspects of macro practice will vary depending on the area of concern and the vulnerable population being targeted, but virtually all models of macro practice include a focus on community development, which can refer to the development of a geographic community, such as a neighborhood or city, or a community of individuals, such as women, immigrants, or children.

Common Aspects of Macro Practice

Community Development

Community development dates back to the settlement house movement when Jane Addams and her colleagues worked with politicians, various community organizations, political activists, and community members to create a better community for all members. Addams was personally concerned with child labor, compulsory education, rights of immigrants, and voting rights for woman (women’s suffrage). By engaging residents, community leaders, local politicians, and other community organizations Addams was able to develop a sense of community cohesion, which resulted in several laws being passed that benefited the members of her community, including those who resided in the settlement houses.

Community development in Addams’s day is similar in many respects to today, where effective community building depends on the participation of community organizations and community members working together to address issues that are of concern to the entire community (Austin, 2005). The actual issues involved could be anything from addressing crime in the community to educational concerns such as low state test scores, developing an after-school program to combat juvenile delinquency, bringing new businesses to the community to create jobs for community members, or rallying community leaders to develop more open spaces, including parks in densely population neighborhoods.

A community development approach is empowering because the mutual collaboration of several agencies and area organizations provides support for community members in ways not possible through human service agencies alone. Another empowering aspect of community development is that the collaboration process can create a sense of collective self-sufficiency that often leads to civic pride for community members. In fact, effective community development is based on the conviction that any community is capable of mobilizing “economic, social, and political resources to support families” (Austin, 2005, p. 109).

There are several necessary components of successful community development including diversity among group members, a sense of shared values among members, positive and collaborative teamwork, good communication, equal participation of all team members, and a good network of connections outside the community (Gardener, 1994). Good community development also depends on the ability to secure enough funding to support group members’ activities and efforts. Good networking skills are also essential as are good technology skills because so much of networking in contemporary society is accomplished through e-mail and other technological means (Austin, 2005; Weil, 1996).

Community Organizing

Community development depends on the efforts of community organizing efforts, which in turn depends on the efforts of community organizers. The first step in community organizing is to create a consensus on what the community needs, in particular what negative issues the community is facing or areas of needed improvement. Once community members agree on the problems to be addressed, community organizers set about to recruit members to join in the effort to create change. It is important to once again note that the term community does not necessarily refer to a geographic community, but might also refer to a community of people, such as women, victims of domestic violence, prisoners, or foster care children.

Community organizers can be professional policy makers or licensed social workers, or they can be individual people with a particular passion and calling for social action. A school-teacher who gets a group of his students together to remove graffiti from public buildings is a community organizer. The single mother of three who organizes a voluntary after-school tutoring program for the kids in her neighborhood is a community organizer. The father of a child victim of sexual abuse who organizes a campaign to increase prison time for sexual offenders is a community organizer. The licensed social worker whose agency is hired to canvas a neighborhood in an antidrug educational campaign is a community organizer.

Community organizing efforts usually begin around a problem or concern of many people in a community. Once a problem has been identified, community organizers must conduct research to define the issues, understanding how the problem or issue developed and what if any forces exist to keep the problem in place. For instance, the community activist who is organizing efforts to increase the labor rights of undocumented immigrants will likely encounter opposition by factory owners who rely on the paying untaxed low wages to undocumented workers. Thoroughly researching this issue will enable community organizers to identify constituents in the community who will support their cause as well as those who will oppose it. Research will also enable community organizers to identify additional harm done by unfair labor practices not initially identified that might increase the strength of any collating forces.

Once the problem has been identified and research has been conducted, a plan of action must be determined based on the research conducted. Community organizers might decide to picket factories who they perceive abuse undocumented workers; they might decide to distribute press releases and have a press conference to gain media involvement, organize a work walkout, or conduct a letter-writing campaign to local political leaders. Successful community organizers also organize fund-raising efforts to support their social activism. Sources of fund-raising can include a number of strategies including a direct request for donations, auctions, fund-raising dinners, membership fees, or government grants.

Policy Practice

Policy practice is a more narrow form of community practice where the human service professional works within the political system to influence government policy and legislation on a local, state, federal, or even global level. The form that policy practice takes depends in large part on the issues at hand, but certain activities in policy practice are consistent despite the issue. This is a relatively new field within human services, with few researchers focusing on policy practice prior to the 1980s. It remains an often neglected area of practice, both within human services and social work education and within human services practice setting. One reason for this may be that effective policy practice relies on a broad range of skills that reaches far beyond the clinical realm (Rocha & Johnson, 1997).

Policy activities center on either reforming current social policy or initiating the development of new policy that addresses the needs of the underserved and marginalized members of society with the primary goal of social justice through social action and advocacy. Policy practice is based on the belief that many problems in society, such as poverty, are structural in nature and can be addressed through making structural changes within society (Weiss, 2003).

Although various approaches to policy practice have been defined within academic literature, Iatridis (1995) has defined several skills necessary for effectively integrating social policy practice into direct service or micro practice. The first skill involves the human service professionals’ ability to understand the nature of social policy including what it is, how it is developed, its influences and effect on society as well as how social welfare policies are most often implemented. The second skill involves the ability and willingness to view direct practice from a systems perspective, where individual practice is seen as a part of a greater whole. In other words, human service professionals engaged in policy practice must be able to link issues confronted in direct service to structural problems in society (i.e., institutionalized racism, laws that oppress certain groups) by using a P-I-E paradigm (Person-in-Environment), a concept addressed throughout this text relating to the importance of viewing social issues such as poverty on a societal as well as an individual level. Another equally important skill involves the human service professionals’ commitment to improving social justice within society by working toward a more equitable distribution of the community’s resources.

Those who engage in policy analysis research various social issues in an attempt to determine the short- and long-term effect of new policies and legislation. Policy activists and analysts might focus their attention broadly on social injustices in general, or they may focus on more narrow issues such as the quality of mental health delivery systems, or the focus may be extremely narrow such as the social injustices confronted by those seeking mental health care. Human service professionals engaging in policy practice must be able to identify key trends and issues, as well as becoming familiar with legislation or pending legislation that will affect the area of concern. Let’s assume you are involved in policy practice working for an agency concerned with the older adult population. The federal administration’s policies regarding Social Security funding would be a matter of great concern to you. Yet if you were involved with policy practice advocating for the rights of the children of undocumented immigrants, you’d be very concerned about possible legislation that would prohibit these children from attending public school. Regardless of the area of concern, policy analysts must be able to identify the “ripple effect” of new policies and legislation to identify their potential harm or benefit to their target population as well as the entire community.

The Global Community: International Human Services

The world is getting smaller, not in terms of population, of course, but in terms of globalization—the increase in international connectedness among all countries and, consequently, all people. No longer are countries completely isolated either in their financial economy or political climate. In the world’s new globalization each country is connected to every other country through increased ease in communication, the development of a global economy (international financial interdependence, mutual trade, and financial influence), and increased international migration combining to create a situation where the political state of one country influences the economic and political climate of another (Ahmadi, 2003).

Although many consider the term globalization to refer solely to matters of economics where businesses can sell goods and trade services as if there were no geographic borders, it also reflects the increased awareness, communication, and cooperation among social advocates. In fact, social reform on a global level is more possible now than ever before. Consider the impact the Internet has had on the exchange of information between relatively remote communities and on regions wrought with oppression. Although limits can be placed on information exchange, the Internet has made global awareness of social issues as easy as pressing a few buttons. Of course that is a somewhat simplistic statement, but the importance of the Internet cannot be underscored both in regard to direct communication and in regard to global awareness of social issues through website publication. For instance, Amnesty International (www.amnesty.org) includes a comprehensive list of human rights abuses and concerns occurring throughout the world. Within this website, individuals can obtain detailed information on the types of abuses currently occurring throughout the world, as well as instructions on how to take steps to assist in the global campaign to stop such oppression and abuse.

This increased ease in global communication has meant that human service professionals in one part of the world can quickly communicate with human service professionals in another part of the world sharing valuable information and coordinating efforts and services. In fact, there are several international organizations that exist for this very purpose. The International Federation of Social Workers (IFSW) is an international organization founded in 1956 that works with other international human services and human rights organizations to encourage international cooperation and communication among human service professionals around the globe. The IFSW has members from 80 different countries throughout the world including countries in Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America, and North America.

The International Association of Schools of Social Work (IASSW) is a support organization and information clearinghouse that works to “develop and promote excellence in social work education, research and scholarship globally in order to enhance human well being” (www.iasswaiets.org). The IASSW also supports an exchange of information and expertise between social work educational programs.

The International Council on Social Welfare (ICSW) is an independent organization founded in 1928 in Paris, which is committed to social development and works with the United Nations (UN) on matters related to social development, social welfare, and social justice throughout the world. The work of the ICSW is an excellent example of community development at work using networking and international liaisons with other organizations to achieve its goals. According to its website,

[T]o achieve its mission, ICSW advocates policies and programmes which strike an appropriate balance between social and economic goals and which respect cultural diversity. It seeks implementation of these proposals by governments, international organisations, non-governmental agencies and others. It does so in cooperation with its network of members and with a wide range of other organisations at local, national and international levels. ICSW’s main ways of pursuing its aims include gathering and disseminating information, undertaking research and analysis, convening seminars and conferences, drawing on grass-roots experiences, strengthening non-governmental organisations, developing policy proposals, engaging in public advocacy and working with policy-makers and administrators in government and elsewhere.

The ICSW mission captures the way in which macro practice occurs through a comprehensive network of agencies and organizations on all levels of society to achieve the global mission of eliminating social injustice.

Even professional counselors whose training has traditionally leaned more in the direction of clinical practice have recently been encouraged to venture into global matter by advocating for social justice. Chi-Ying Chung (2005) made several recommendations to professional counselors to get involved in international human rights work, suggesting that they apply their training in multicultural counseling and competencies to the international arena to combat human rights abuses.

Although the human services profession exists worldwide, and concerns about specific social issues such as violence and children’s rights are shared among all countries, the nature of the social issues and the function and role of the human service professional will vary depending on the political and economic conditions unique to each country. Human service professionals around the globe have many shared values but have differences in values as well. For instance, in the United States, self-determination is very highly valued in all the human services, particularly the social work profession, but not only is self-determination not considered a core value of the profession in other countries, in Asia, Africa, and even Denmark the concept of self-determination is considered either unimportant or dangerous as it detracts from the value of community and cooperation (Weiss, 2005).

Overall, though, human service professionals in virtually every country place a high value on the protection of human rights, social justice, and the end to human oppression in whatever form it might be taking within that particular region. For instance, a primary concern of the human service professionals in South Africa relates to issues of race emanating from its former system of apartheid. School social workers are commonly used to teach positive race relations among the students in South African public schools. Race issues take on a different form in the United States related to our history of slavery and mass immigration.

HIV/AIDS Pandemic

AIDS, a life-threatening disease found disproportionately in sub-Saharan Africa, has had a dev astating effect on families, particularly children. The life expectancy has dropped from 61 to 35 years of age in many African countries having a profound effect on children and their childhoods, with an estimated 12 million children having been orphaned due to one or both parents dying of AIDS (Ansah-Koi, 2006; Dhlembeu & Mayanga, 2006; UNAIDS, 2008; UNICEF, 2004). In fact, in Zimbabwe alone United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF, 2004) estimates that 30 percent of all children have been orphaned due to AIDS. Many developing countries have neither the funding nor the capacity to place child welfare issues as a priority (Dhlembeu & Mayanga, 2006). Women bear the primary burden of this disease with regard to both stigma and the brunt of caregiving, despite the fact that they are being infected at far higher rates than men (Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS, 2004).

Human service professionals in South Africa as well as other countries in sub-Saharan Africa must contend with the devastating impact of the HIV virus, including the very complicated and far-reaching implications of so many children being orphaned as a result of deaths due to AIDS. This situation is further complicated by the fact that many of the child welfare agencies are ill equipped to handle the vast number of orphans, many of whom are not being well cared for and may be infected with the HIV virus as well.

Several human services agencies exist solely to care for these orphaned children. Other agencies focus their efforts on education and testing. This public health crisis has far-reaching implications that must be addressed internationally if there is going to be any real remedy that will positively affect the lives of those infected and those at risk of infection.

Crimes against Women and Children

Crimes against women and children are of concern to countries throughout the world, and human service professionals, including social workers, psychologists, and professional counselors as well as human rights workers, are involved in advocacy, counseling, and political activism on all levels to create international awareness and social action to put a stop to atrocities such as government-sanctioned honor killings, punitive sexual assaults, exploitation and harassment, and discrimination that strips women and children of their basic human rights.

Female Genital Mutilation

Another issue often confronting human service professionals in all of Africa involves female genital mutilation (FGM), or “female circumcision,” where historical tradition and tribal culture prescribes that a girl’s external genitalia, typically including her labia and clitoris, be cut away in a rite of passage ceremony celebrating her entry into her womanhood. It is estimated that nearly 100 to 130 million girls have undergone FGM, which can cause serious health risks including lifelong pain, infertility, and death (World Health Organization, 1998). FGM is rarely performed by a physician, but is frequently conducted by a village leader with no pain medication. Girls are often tied down and subjected to this surgery, which is intended to ensure chastity and purity. There has been a recent backlash among women in some African countries who are discouraging FGM in their communities, although this practice is still quite prevalent in many rural regions. Human service professionals are conducting educational campaigns to influence local leaders who have the power to discourage this practice, as well as influencing many Western countries to add those escaping FGM to qualify for refugee status.

Human Sex Trafficking

Human service professionals in many Asian countries must contend with numerous human rights violations, the most prevalent and disturbing of which includes the human trafficking of women and children for the purposes of slavery, forced marriage, and the sex trade. For instance, according to the Human Rights Watch (HRW, 2002), approximately 10,000 women and girls are “recruited” from Burma to Thailand brothels each year. The most recent U.S. Department of State (2008) Trafficking in Persons report states that government corruption and the involvement of public officials in the human trafficking trade makes matters even more challenging for human rights workers who are attempting to achieve social justice for these women and children.

The U.S. government estimates that there are approximately 800,000 individuals who are victims of human trafficking worldwide, the majority of whom are females under the age of 18. In fact, young girls are the most sought after targets of large criminal organizations that are in the business of trafficking human beings. Although people can be sold for various reasons, including forced servitude and child labor, the majority of human trafficking involves forced sexual slavery, where young women and girls are forced to become prostitutes. Girls are sold into sex slavery by family members in need of money, are kidnapped, or are lured into the sex trade with promises of modeling contracts or domestic work in other countries. Many of these girls are kept in inhumane environments where they are forced to have sex with up to 10 men a day. Many contract the HIV/AIDS virus and are cast out onto the street once they become too sick to be useful (U.S. Department of State, 2008).

https://portal.phoenix.edu/content/ebooks/9780205795024-introduction-to-human-services.-through-the-eyes-o/jcr:content/images/324fig01_alt.jpg

Young girl endures female genital mutilation in Somalia. (Sourcehttp://www.global-sisterhoodnetwork.org/content/view/1470/59/)

© Ulrike Kotermann/epa/CORBIS All Rights Reserved

Much of the effort of human service professionals in countries with high rates of human trafficking, including India, Burma, Thailand, and Sri Lanka, is focused on rescuing these women and children and ensuring that they are delivered to safe communities where they will not be exploited again. Complicating intervention strategies is the fact that many government officials in these Asian countries either look the other way when confronted with the illegal sex trade or openly contribute to it by protecting criminal organizations responsible for human trafficking. Human rights organizations have reported that many police officers, members of the military, and other government officials in Thailand often arrest victims who attempt to escape, putting them in prison on charges of prostitution, a clear act of retaliation, rather than helping them to escape (HRW, 2004).

Street Children

Human service professionals in Central and South American as well as Eastern European countries must contend with the significant problem of thousands of homeless street children roaming the streets in search of food and shelter. The problem of street children is growing around the globe leading several human rights organizations to call human service professionals to action. Street children are sometimes orphans, but are often children who have parents but who have left home due to poverty or lack of supervision. In many Eastern European countries, including Romania, the problem of street children is a direct result of political policies resulting from families having a large number of children with the promise of government provisions, only to be left in terribly vulnerable positions when these governments failed, leaving parents with no means for providing for their exceptionally large families. Street children are at risk of abuses by older children as well as police and government officials who often physically abuse children as young as five (HRW, 2002). Children have even been murdered by the police with no official response. Drug abuse is also rampant within the street children population, who often sniff glue to keep warm and abate hunger pains.

Human service professionals have organized agencies that reach out to these children by finding homes for them, either with religious organizations or through international adoption. International human services agencies work with local agencies to bolster aid efforts, including lobbying government officials to address this issue by funding child welfare efforts.

Child Labor and Economic Injustice

Child labor is a social justice issue across the globe, but is a particular concern in Asian, African, and Latin American countries, where children as young as four are required to work up to 12 hours per day in jobs that put them in both physical and psychological danger. Child labor abuses include children in India who plunge their hands into boiling water while making silk thread and children as young as four years old in Asia who are tied to rug looms for many hours a day and forced to make rugs.

Of the 120 million children forced into full-time labor, 61 percent reside in Asia, 32 percent in Africa, and 7 percent in Latin America (HRW, 2004). International human rights organizations such as HRW, Amnesty International, and UNICEF work diligently to protect children’s rights, including lobbying of international policies and legislation that protect children as well as funding human rights efforts in specific countries allowing for intervention at the local level. But the problem of child labor, particularly in sweatshops in the Global South (Central and South America, Southeast Asia, India, and the Southern region of Africa), remain a serious problem impacting the entire world both socially and economically.

For instance, Polack (2004) discussed the impact of hundreds of billions of dollars in loans made to countries in the Global South by countries in the North (England, Spain, France, the United States, etc.). Polack argued that the cumulative impact of these loans to some of the poorest countries in the world has been devastating to the poorest members of these countries because these loans (1) financed large-scale projects, such as hydroelectric plants, that either benefited the North or displaced literally millions of people pushing them even further into poverty, (2) financed military armaments for government regimes that oppressed the countries’ most vulnerable and poorest residents, or (3) lined the pockets of corrupt leaders of many countries in the Global South, resulting in increased oppression of the country’s least-privileged members.

Very little if any of this loan money has benefited the majority of the citizens of these countries; rather, it has harmed them and in fact continues to harm them by increasing the poverty within these already devastatingly poor regions. In an attempt to repay this debt many countries of the Global South exploit their own workers to make loan payments. For example, countries in South America have sold sections of rain forest formerly farmed by local residents to Northern timber companies, and other countries have been forced to privatize and then sell utility services formerly provided by the government, resulting in dramatic increases in the cost of utilities. These developments have resulted in many Northern companies making millions of dollars literally at the expense of the poorest residents of these debt-ridden countries.

One of the most devastating impacts of what has now evolved into trillions of dollars of debt for these Southern countries is the evolution of the sweatshop industry, large-scale factories that develop goods exported to the North. Some of the poorest people in the world, including children, work in sweatshops throughout Asia, India, and Southern Africa, where horrific abuses abound. This occurs legally in many of these countries because in a desperate attempt to attract export contracts, many countries in Asia as well as India created “free-trade” agreements or free-trade zones for Western corporations allowing them to circumvent local trade regulations such as minimum wage, working hour limits, and child labor laws, if they would open factories in their impoverished countries.

Polack (2004) suggests that literally every major retail supplier in the United States benefits from these sweatshop conditions such as extremely low wages, extremely poor working conditions, physical and sexual exploitation without retribution, excessively long working hours (sometimes in excess of 12 hours per day with no days off for weeks at a time), and severe retribution such as immediate termination for complaints or requests for better working conditions. Child labor is the norm in these sweatshops with most sweatshop owners preferring adolescent girls as employees because they tend to be more compliant and are more easily exploited.

Although local and international human rights advocates work diligently to change these working conditions, at the root of the problem of child exploitation is economic injustice rooted in generations of intercountry exploitation. Thus, there is significant complexity not easily confronted without government involvement, which is often slow in coming when large corporations are making millions of dollars with the system as it currently operates. For instance, as labor unions have become the norm in the United States, many companies such as Nike and Wal-Mart moved their factories to Asia and Central and South America, where millions of dollars can be saved in wages and benefits cuts (National Labor Committee, n.d.). Addressing the issue of child labor and economic injustice will take the lobbying efforts of many international human rights organizations working with the media to create public awareness where buying power is often the only tool powerful enough to influence sweatshop owners and large retail establishments.

Case Study 15.1: Testimony of Mahamuda Akter MNC Garment Factory, September 2002

My name is Mahamuda Akter. I am 18 years old. I’ve only had the chance to go through fifth grade. I was 13 when I began working in the garment factories. For the last two years I have been working at the MNC factory in the Chittagong Export Processing Zone, where we sew clothing for Wal-Mart. I am a sewing operator.

Until September 5, we were working on Ozark Trail shirts. Before that—for six or seven months—we worked constantly on Sportrax athletic clothing. Now we are sewing Faded Glory shorts. Depending upon the type of garment we are working on, my job is to join the collar, or to sew either the pocket or the hem of the sleeves. Attaching the collars is very complicated since you must match the patterns of the fabric. The supervisors scream at us to do 40 pieces an hour. But it’s impossible. Working as fast as we can, I can only finish 30 collars in an hour.

The supervisors tell us we have to meet Wal-Mart’s target. There is constant pressure on us to work faster. They beat us. They slap our faces or slap us on the back of the head. They grab us by the hair and jerk our heads. They push and shove us.

I was beaten several times in August and September. My supervisor, who is a man, slapped my face and cursed at me that I was a son of a bitch and that my parents were whores. They use vulgar and filthy words, they made me cry. Many of us girls cry, but they make you keep working.

I work on Line “D.” In July, the supervisors kicked one of the girls on our line, yelling that she had made a mistake. They threw her against the wall and her mouth was bleeding. They took her to the office and fired her that afternoon.

Another thing they do as punishment is to make a girl stand on a bench in front of all the other workers, forcing her to hold her ears and pull them down. It’s a shameful insult. They do this especially to the young girls and it makes them feel terrible.

There are 4,000 workers in our factory. Eighty-five percent of us are women. We have lots of helpers who are 10 to 12 years old.

Our regular work schedule is from 7:30 AM to 10:00 PM. But they often force us to work until 3:00 AM. In August, I had to work 13 nights till 3:00 AM. In other sections it was even worse, and they had to work 20 to 25 nights to 3:00 in the morning. We work seven days a week. In August we had just one day off. For the year, I think I got a total of 15 days off.

When we work through to 3:00 AM, we get three breaks, a half hour for lunch from 1:00 to 1:30 PM; ten minutes from 7:00 to 7:10 PM, and an hour off for supper from 11:00 to midnight. After the 3:00 AM shift, we sleep in the factory. It is so crowded that we sleep sitting on our benches slumped over our sewing machines. There is no place to even lie down on the floor. At 5:00 AM they ring a loud bell to wake everyone up, so we can get ready to start work again. We wash our faces, use the bathroom, eat something and go back to work. Sometimes we are forced to do these 19½-hour shifts three days in a row.

We are exhausted. Many times the workers faint. The supervisors throw water on their faces and they have to get back to work. They also play loud music to keep us awake.

I earn 2,100 taka a month, which is $35.60. I’m told this comes to 17 cents an hour.

We are not allowed to talk at work, and if we are caught we are punished. You need permission to use the bathroom. When we work until 3:00 in the morning for example, we can use the bathroom just three times in the entire shift.

We have a daycare center at the factory, but it is a joke. It is just for show to the buyers. It is never really used.

We are not allowed sick days, or national holidays, or any vacation.

They also cheat us on our overtime wages. They keep two sets of time cards. The phony one is for Wal-Mart. It says that we work just from 7:30 AM to 6:30 PM, in other words, that we work two hours of overtime a day. It also says that we receive every Friday off. That’s a lie.

None of us have ever heard of the Wal-Mart Code of Conduct. Before the Wal-Mart buyers come to the factory, the factory is always cleaned. The supervisors tell us to lie if the buyers ever question us—we are supposed to say that we work just to 6:30 and that we have one day off a week. The buyers always walk around with the manager. Everyone is so frightened, no one dares complain. Sometimes the buyers ask us to smile and they take a picture. They usually come around 1:00 or 2:00 in the afternoon. They never come at 10 PM or 3:00 AM.

I live in one room with three other girls who are co-workers. We must pay 1,150 taka rent each month. We cannot even afford a fan or a TV. We share one water pump, an outhouse, and one gas stove with 20 other people.

Every day we eat rice, rice with lentils or with mashed potatoes. Sometimes we have an egg at night. I’m always hungry. I weigh 79 pounds. Maybe once in a month we can eat beef.

We work so hard, but it is not right that they mistreat us so and pay us so very little.

I am afraid of getting old. Living and working like this, by the time you are 20 you are already old, and your health is failing. When you reach 30, they fire you. It is not just. I have no savings. I have nothing.

I would like a better life for myself and the other girls.

Source: National Labor Committee.

https://portal.phoenix.edu/content/ebooks/9780205795024-introduction-to-human-services.-through-the-eyes-o/jcr:content/images/328fig01_alt.jpg

Even older adults in developing countries are often forced to engage in arduous and dangerous labor practices in order to survive.

Jorge Santizo

Indigenous People

Protecting the rights of indigenous people is a common concern of human service professionals practicing in countries such as the United States, Australia, and many Central and South American countries. Indigenous populations are often forced to engage in harsh and dangerous labor practices, such as working in fields sprayed with insecticides, transporting supplies on their person, or begging, in order to survive.

The human rights issues pertaining to indigenous peoples of Australia, primarily comprised of Aborigines, are similar in nature to those in the United States, where the historic immigration of Europeans displaced the indigenous tribal communities. In addition, both countries engaged in an official campaign of discrimination and cultural annihilation as indigenous tribes were forced off their lands and onto restricted areas, where they were unable to practice traditional methods of self-support. Both Native Americans in the United States and Aborigines in Australia were subject to the mass forced removal of children, who were mandated to attend schools where they were forced to abandon their cultural heritage and native language.

The 36-year civil war in Guatemala, which ended in 1996, involved what many human rights organizations consider the genocide of indigenous populations, or what is commonly referred to as the “disappearance” of indigenous populations. The UN Truth and Reconcilation committee estimates that up to 200,000 people were killed by government forces (HRW, 2008).

https://portal.phoenix.edu/content/ebooks/9780205795024-introduction-to-human-services.-through-the-eyes-o/jcr:content/images/329fig01_alt.jpg

Jorge Santizo

https://portal.phoenix.edu/content/ebooks/9780205795024-introduction-to-human-services.-through-the-eyes-o/jcr:content/images/329fig02_alt.jpg

Many indigenous Indian populations in Guatemala often consist of widowed-mothers because of the Guatemalan civil war that ended in 1996.

Jorge Santizo

In response to the intergenerational trauma that has resulted from physical and cultural genocide, many indigenous people have experienced a decimation of their population as well as extreme poverty, forced migration, and marginalization often manifesting in physical and mental health problems. Human service professionals work with indigenous people in reconciliation efforts to restore them to a level of self-sufficiency and cultural pride. Several movements are underway within indigenous tribal communities intended to move them toward wholeness and a life without substance abuse, depression, and the brokenness in families that has so often been the result of social ills.

One program within a Native American community was developed by a tribal member who suffered from alcoholism for years and who received inspiration and input from tribal elders who shared wisdom regarding traditional cultural laws for authentic change. The four laws of change became known as the Healing Forest Model, which is based on the philosophy of the Medicine Wheel, a Native American concept that addresses the interconnectedness of everything in life. According to the teachings of the Medicine Wheel, the pain of one person creates pain for the entire community thus there are no individual issues or concerns. This community concept of healing is very consistent with a model of macro practice, which posits that there are no such things as individual problems but instead people make up communities and therefore all individual problems become community problems. This philosophy may be counterintuitive to North Americans, who as a society place an exceedingly high value on individuality, oftentimes at the cost of community. Yet many believe that the key to reclaiming physical and mental health in indigenous culture is through such a community practice approach (Coyhis & Simonelli, 2005).

Refugees

According to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) there are approximately 42 million displaced people who have been forcibly removed from their homes and communities due to civil war, conflict, political and cultural persecution, natural disaster, ethnic cleansing, and genocide.

The Immigration and Nationality Act defines “refugee” as:

(A) any person who is outside any country of such person’s nationality or, in the case of a person having no nationality, is outside any country in which such person last habitually resided, and who is unable or unwilling to return to, and is unable or unwilling to avail himself or herself of the protection of, that country because of persecution or a well-founded fear of persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion, or (B) in such circumstances as the President after appropriate consultation (as defined in section 207(e) of this Act) may specify, any person who is within the country of such person’s nationality or, in the case of a person having no nationality, within the country in which such person is habitually residing, and who is persecuted or who has a well-founded fear of persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion. (Sec. 101(a)(42))

Individuals may become refugees through a variety of circumstances. In the last two decades there have been between 17 and 25 civil wars at any one time leading to civil unrest and instability in several developing countries. In the midst of a civil war innocent civilians are often forced to flee in search of safety, a phenomenon referred to as forced migration. If civilians flee but do not cross international boundaries, they are referred to as internally displaced persons (IDPs), but if they are forced to flee into another country, then they often receive the legal designation of refugee. Refugees may live in secret, in a country with closed borders, thus are considered by the host country as illegal immigrants. Life as an illegal immigrant is lived on the fringes, in constant fear of detection, detainment, and repatriation. In other situations refugees are warehoused in refugee settlements or camps. Most refugee camps are managed by the UNHCR, and despite such management, they remain a place of great risk and despair. In many refugee camps refugees are not allowed to leave and are often considered a serious risk to the host country. Most refugee camps are established in “border” regions and may remain in close proximity to war that caused the displacement in the first place. The majority of refugees in protracted situations develop a sense of significant despair as their situation lingers on for generations, as with the Burundi, who have been in refugee camps in Tanzania since the early 1970s. Those refugees fortunate enough to be selected for resettlement in the United States often face years of challenges as they struggle to survive in a complex society, often underemployed and socially isolated (Hollenbach, 2008; Loescher, Milner, & Troeller, 2008).

Human service professionals often work with refugees in a variety of practice settings, including refugee resettlement agencies (contracted with the U.S. Department of State), schools, and mental health agencies. Macro practice involves advocacy and policy practice effecting changes in policies that create additional challenges to an already immensely vulnerable and traumatized population.

Torture and Abuse

Countries in Eastern Europe as well as countries in Northern and Western Africa are overwhelmed with the repercussions of war and genocide where human service professionals and human rights workers deal with numerous human atrocities such as torture, war crimes, and the crisis of thousands of refugees. But the problem of abuse and torture is truly worldwide, and as much as members of industrialized countries would like to believe that human torture is a problem known only to lesser developed countries, the physical and sexual torture of the Iraqi detainees at Abu Ghraib prison is a clear reminder that human torture occurs on all soils at the hands of people from the most “civilized” of countries.

Countries in the midst of war are particularly vulnerable to human rights abuses involving torture because war seems to have an diminishing effect on human compassion and empathy. Human torture and abuse can include anything from random physical abuse to the systematic abuse and even murder of groups of people common in genocide, prisoner of war camps, and refugee camps. Many of the abuses documented in the Taliban-ruled Afghanistan included sexual assault, government-sanctioned gang rapes of women who brought disgrace on their countrymen, and physical torture such as the cutting off of limbs for minor infractions (U.S. Department of State, 2001).

Most if not all victims of wartime atrocities such as rape and torture, many of whom are being revictimized in refugee camps, suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and other psychiatric conditions related to grief and loss. Human service professionals work with victims of torture on all fronts—some within refugee camps, and some in other countries who have accepted victims on refugee status. The psychological issues involved are vast and in addition to the disorders mentioned earlier include depression, anxiety, and adjustment disorders. Most human service professionals in developing countries and former Soviet bloc countries are employed by the government and deliver broad-ranging services on a community level focusing on the manifestation of a history of war, as well as the ramifications of transitioning from a communist society to a democracy. For instance, a relatively significant portion of human services in Croatia is focused on postwar issues as well as the care of Bosnian refugees and other war victims, focusing on trauma recovery and helping victims to manage the comprehensive impact of war on the individual and families (Knežević & Butler, 2003).

Throughout the Bush/Cheney administration several advocacy organizations, including Amnesty International, HRW, and the International Red Cross, cited numerous egregious examples of torturing prisoners suspected of involvement in the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks or of being a supporter of “enemy combatants.” Both former President Bush and former Vice President Cheney defended their policy of using “enhanced” interrogation techniques, denying that such practices constituted a violation of the Geneva Convention, a collection of international humanitarian laws that among other remedies provides parameters on how prisoners of war are to be treated.

In 2006 the HRW submitted a report to the Human Rights Committee detailing numerous human rights violations occurring under the Bush/Cheney administration in violation of International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), including the secret and indefinite detention of prisoners at Guantanamo Bay and at undisclosed locations abroad. According to the report most of these prisoners have not been charged with any crimes and have thus been denied due process. Other human rights violations include the use of torture as an interrogation technique, such as sleep deprivation, isolation, sexual humiliation, and water boarding (which gives the subject the sensation of drowning). Federal legislation that was enacted in 2005 supported the use of information obtained from torture and also “precludes detainees at Guantanamo Bay from bringing any future challenge to their ongoing detention or conditions of confinement before the courts” (UNOHCHR, 2006, p. 10), including torture, and cruel inhuman and degrading treatment. The following case studies were included in an HRW report submitted to the United: Nations Human Rights Committee:

Consider the cases of Kahled el-Masri and Maher Arar. El-Masri, a German citizen, states that he was seized in Macedonia in December 2003 and eventually transferred to a CIA-run prison in Afghanistan where he was beaten and held incommunicado for several months. In May 2004, he was flown to Albania, deposited on an abandoned road, and eventually made his way back to Germany. El-Masri states that one of the detaining officials admitted that his arrest and detention was a mistake. El-Masri filed a suit in U.S. federal court against the former CIA Director George Tenet and the corporations and individuals allegedly involved in his rendition. He alleged violations of his due process rights and the international prohibitions against arbitrary detention and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment. The U.S. government, however, moved to dismiss, arguing that discovery in the case would require revealing “state secrets.” Despite the fact that the case had been widely reported in the U.S. and international media. The court agreed and on February 16, 2006, dismissed the case. El-Masri plans to appeal the ruling. If he loses, he will have no avenue for seeking relief and compensation for the 5-month period of physical and psychological abuse. Maher Arar, a Canadian citizen, was detained by the United States in September 2002. U.S. immigration authorities held him for two weeks, during which time he was unable to challenge either his detention or imminent transfer to a country likely to torture him. Relying on diplomatic assurances from Syria, the United States then flew Arar to Jordan, where he was driven across the border to Syria and detained there for ten months. Arar reports that he was beaten by security officers in Jordan and tortured repeatedly, often with cables and electrical cords, during his confinement in a Syrian prison. Arar sued former Attorney General John Ashcroft and others involved in his detention and rendition for compensation for the physical and psychological harm suffered in Syria. The United States asserted a national security privilege. The district court agreed and dismissed the case, reasoning that it could not second-guess the government’s claims that the need for secrecy was paramount and that discovery about what happened in the case could have negative impacts on foreign relations and national security. Arar, like el-Masri, is denied a remedy, even though the facts of his case, like in the el-Masri case, are widely reported. In both cases, the U.S. government has shut down any inquiry into practices that appear to violate international prohibitions on non-refoulement and use of torture and cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment. Violations of non-derogable rights cannot and should not be justified or shielded from review on grounds of national security. (UNOHCHR, 2006, p. 10).

Some of the most egregious policies have been passed during times of crisis when people are scared and willing to sacrifice civil and human rights for the sake of security. Yet as human service professionals we must advocate for human rights in all situations, and resist the temptation to dehumanize any group, which tends to make it far easier to justify such horrendous mistreatment.

Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered Rights

Individuals who have nontraditional sexual orientations, including lesbian women, gay men, bi-sexual men and women, and transgendered individuals (those who have undergone surgery to physically become the opposite gender) have long been the victims of abuse, discrimination, and at the very least a tremendous amount of misunderstanding. Homophobia is defined as irrational fear of homosexuals or of homosexual behavior. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) individuals are subjected to homophobic sentiments and outright discrimination and violence in all parts of the world. Until recently the majority opinion of those in Western culture was that LGBT individuals were either morally perverse or mentally ill. In fact, it wasn’t until 1987 that all references to homosexuality were completely removed from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders.

Acts of harassment and violence against LGBT individuals based on their sexual orientation are prevalent all over the world causing significant distress, depression, and even suicidal ideation (Huebner, Rebchook, & Kegeles, 2004). LGBT youth are at risk of discrimination in school and community settings in both the United States and the United Kingdom, although many school districts now use policies designed to protect adolescents whose sexual orientation are known to others in the school or community (Ryan & Rivers, 2003). LGBT individuals are commonly the victims of direct or subtle discriminatory practices, verbally abused and harassed, and the victims of violence, sometimes even murder, solely because of their sexual orientation.

Although abuse and discrimination against LGBT individuals is assumed to be far worse in developing countries, this is not always the case. In many regions of the world the line between heterosexuality and homosexuality is quite thin, particularly compared to Western cultural norms. This contention is based on the practice of male-on-male sexual activity commonly practiced in many parts of the world when one or both men are married. For instance, in Bangladesh married men often frequent male prostitutes but do not necessarily consider themselves homosexual. They are rarely victims of harassment or abuse because they do not violate gender stereotypes, which essentially means that men continue to act like men and women continue to act like women (Dowsett, 2003). The relevance of this is that in many parts of the world violence against LGBT is based more on behavior that is contrary to traditional gender stereotypes than it is on their sexual activities.

Yet in many regions of the world homosexual behavior is considered a criminal act punishable by anything from a prison sentence to death. Homosexuality is considered illegal in South Africa, and LGBT individuals are often the victims of human rights abuses, including punitive rapes. In addition, they are often unjustly blamed for the HIV/AIDS crisis currently occurring in Africa (Graziano, 2004). LGBT individuals in Saudi Arabia are subject to public floggings and imprisonment for even suspected homosexual behavior. In Egypt vice officers travel through towns in vans arresting in excess of 100 men at a time for suspected homosexuality. Many of these men were arrested because they knew what the word gay meant, a North American word assumed to be known only by homosexual men. Men arrested on suspected homosexuality are then subject to severe beatings until they agree to sign arrest papers admitting to their homosexuality. Signing these papers means a lifetime of certain harassment and refusing to sign them means certain death. In Jamaica LGBT individuals are often the target of horrible human rights abuse, oftentimes fueled by the police who often invite bystanders to attack men suspected of homosexual behavior. One incident reported to a human rights organization involved a man suspected of being gay who was attacked by police and ultimately beaten and stabbed to death in the middle of the street by bystanders who joined in on the beating. Police in Jamaica also commonly stop individuals suspected of being LGBT on the streets searching them looking for any sign of homosexual activity such as condoms or lubricants. If these items are found, the men are often beaten and arrested (HRW, 2005).

Several countries in Eastern Africa, including Uganda, Rwanda and Nigeria are currently considering anti-homosexuality laws that would make homosexual activity illegal and punishable by brutal penalties, including death. What is particularly disturbing about this recent anti-homosexuality trend in Eastern Africa are reports that some U.S. Evangelical leaders are behind the effort to criminalize homosexuality, based upon a belief that the “homosexual agenda” threatens the traditional family (Gettleman, 2009). Human rights organizations have expressed outrage in response to the reported link between anti-gay legislation in Africa and the U.S. Evangelical church for a variety of reasons, chief among them the potential for dictatorships with poor human rights records to use such legislation to silence (either through long-term incarceration or death) anyone who opposes their autocratic rule (HRW, 2009). One might question whether any such organized efforts emanating from any developed country is a form of neo-colonialization, reflecting significant ignorance of the history of the region as well as paternalistic attitudes common during colonial rule of African countries. Regardless, such misplaced advocacy has a great possibility of significantly increasing human rights abuses against an already marginalized population.

Human service professionals and human rights workers around the globe are working tirelessly to reduce crimes against LGBT individuals through the passage of policies and legislation designed not only to protect individuals whose sexual orientation is not traditional, but also to decriminalize homosexual behavior in all countries. The recent passage of the Matthew Shepard & James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act (P.L. 111-84) in the United States, signed into law in October 2009 by President Obama makes it a federal crime to assault individuals because of their sexual orientation, gender or gender identity. The passage of this highly contested legislation has been lauded by civil rights organizations as a significant step forward in this fight for equality and protection of the LGBT population (Human Rights Campaign, 2009).

What might be one of the most important issues to consider is that regardless of whether one considers homosexuality a lifestyle choice, a genetically predetermined orientation, a nontraditional sexual orientation no better or worse than heterosexuality, or an act of perversion and immorality, violence against someone based on their sexual orientation is never permissible under any conditions, thus even those human service professionals who because of religious faith or cultural tradition believe that heterosexuality is the only physically and psychologically healthy lifestyle, should be called to action to ensure that all individuals, despite their sexual orientation, are treated with compassion and dignity.

Macro Practice in Action

Local advocacy organizations such as the YWCA (Young Women’s Christian Association) lobby for governmental policies and laws that protect victims of crime, including sexual assault. Mothers against Drunk Driving (MADD) has been instrumental in lowering the legal alcohol limit for driving to 0.08 from 0.10, as well as establishing stiffer penalties for alcohol-related crashes. Amnesty International advocates for human rights and social justice for oppressed individuals around the world, releasing annual reports of human rights violations within each country. The passage of one domestic violence law can protect thousands of women. An antidrug educational campaign can convince thousands of adolescents to stay off drugs. One press release can lead to a boycott that can increase wages for thousands of young women in sweatshops in India. Direct practice with individuals can change the lives of a few people, but macro practice can change the lives of an entire community or a whole country. The power of macro practice should serve as an impetus for all human service professionals to consider embracing macro practice on some level, whether that means conducting voter registration drives in politically underserved areas, conducting a letter-writing campaign in support of legislation designed to protect a vulnerable population, or working on behalf of an international human rights organization that works tirelessly on behalf of exploited children, abused women, or traumatized refugees. Such positions offer significant rewards to those human service professionals willing to develop multidisciplinary expertise through education and experience that when combined with the networking power of other organizations can create positive change for all members of society.

Supporters of same-sex marriage organized a very successful and well-attended series of rallies held across the United States in response to the passage of an amendment to the California Constitution that defined a valid marriage as being between a man and a woman. The legislation was placed on the ballot after the California courts legalized gay marriage. The LGBT community and their many supported flooded the streets in cities across the nation demanding equal rights under the U.S. Constitution.

Social Action Effecting Social Change

One of the most dramatic forms of social change occurred during the 2008 presidential campaign when millions of Americans, many of whom had not been previously politically active, including many disenfranchised groups, advocated for now President Barack Obama, the country’s first African-American president. President Obama’s message of real change for the country—one that promised for human rights, and a renewed commitment to social justice led to a grassroots movement that many believe was something this country has never seen in previous elections. Political affiliations aside, what is important for our purposes is the recognition that virtually all people have the power to affect social change on a broad scale when they are motivated and well organized.

It is sometimes easy to see all of the problems in our world and respond with a feeling of futility, yet what many human service professionals soon realize is that making the world a better place is possible, particularly for those with a passion for meeting the needs of the most vulnerable members of society in a way that reflects empathy, compassion, justice, and respect for human dignity.

https://portal.phoenix.edu/content/ebooks/9780205795024-introduction-to-human-services.-through-the-eyes-o/jcr:content/images/336fig01_alt.jpg

Rally against California Proposition 8 barring gay marriage in New York City 2008.

Tricia Serfas

Suggested Readings

Hokenstad, M. C., & Midgley, J. (Eds.). (2004). Lessons from abroad: Adapting international social welfare innovations.Washington, DC: NASW Press.

Langer, L. L. (1991). Holocaust testimonies: The ruins of memory. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Rosenfeld, L. B., Caye, J. S., Ayalon, O., & Lahad, M. (2004). When their worlds fall apart. Washington, DC: NASW Press.

Van Soest, D. (1997). The global crisis violence: Common problems, universal causes, shared solutions. Washington, DC: NASW Press.

Internet Resources

American Indian Movement (AIM): http://www.aimovement.org

American Red Cross: http://www.redcross.org

AmeriCares—Humanitarian Lifeline to the World: http://www.americares.org

Amnesty International: http://www.amnesty.org

Anti-Defamation League: http://www.adl.org

Anti-Slavery: http://www.antislavery.org

AntiRacismNet: http://www.antiracismnet.org/main.html

Cultural Survival: http://www.culuralsurvival.org

Doctors on Call: http://www.docs.org

Doctors without Borders: http://www.doctorswithoutborders.com

Human Rights Watch: http://www.hrw.org

International Federation of Social Workers: http://www.ifsw.org

References

Ahmadi, N. (2003). Globalisation of consciousness and new challenges for international social work. International Journal of Social Welfare, 12, 14–23.

Ansah-Koi, A. (2006). Care of orphans: Fostering interventions for children whose parents die of AIDS in Ghana. Families in Society, 87(4), 555-559.

Austin, S. (2005). Community-building principles: Implications for professional development. Child Welfare, 84(2), 105–122.

Calkin, C. (2000, June). Welfare reform. Peace and Social Justice: A Newsletter of the NASW Committee for Peace and Social Justice, 1(1). Retrieved September 17, 2005, from http://www.naswdc.org/practice/peace/psj0101.pdf

Chi-Ying Chung, R. (2005). Women, human rights & counseling: Crossing international borders. Journal of Counseling and Development, 83, 262–268.

Coyhis, D., & Simonelli, R. (2005). Rebuilding Native American communities. Child Welfare, 84(2), 323–336.

Dhlembeu, N., & Mayanga, N. (2006). Responding to orphans and other vulnerable children’s crisis: development of Zimbabwe’s national plan of action. Journal of Social Development in Africa, 21(1), 5-49.

Dowsett, G. W. (2003). HIV/AIDS and homophobia: Subtle hatreds, severe consequences and the question of origins. Culture, Health & Sexuality, 5(2), 121–136.

Gardener, J. W. (1994). Building community for leadership training programs. Washington, DC: Independent Sector.

Gettleman, J. (2010, January 4). Americans’ role seen in Uganda anti-gay push. New York Times. Retrieved January 11, 2010, from http://www.nytimes.com/2010/01/04/world/africa/04uganda.html

Graziano, K. J. (2004). Oppression and resiliency in a post-apartheid South Africa: Unheard voices of black gay men and lesbians. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 10(3), 302–316.

Hollenbach, D. (2008). Refugee rights: Ethics, advocacy and Africa. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press.

Huebner, D. M., Rebchook, M., & Kegeles, S. M. (2004). Experiences of harassment, discrimination, and physical violence among young gay and bisexual men human rights watch. American Journal of Public Health, 94(7), 1200–1203.

Human Rights Watch. (2002). Burmese women and girls trafficked to Thailand. The Human Rights Watch Report on Women’s Human Rights. Retrieved September 30, 2005, from http://www.hrw.org/about/projects/womrep/General-123.htm#P1937_535306

Human Rights Watch. (2004). All Jamaicans are threatened by a culture of homophobia. Retrieved September 30, 2005, fromhttp://hrw.org/english/docs/2004/11/23/jamaic9716.htm

Human Rights Campaign. (2009). President Obama signs hate crimes legislation into law. Retrieved January 11, 2010, fromhttp://www.hrc.org/13699.htm

Human Rights Watch. (2005). Saudi Arabia: Men “behaving like women” face flogging: Sentences imposed for alleged homosexual conduct violate basic rights. Retrieved September 30, 2005, fromhttp://hrw.org/english/docs/2005/04/07/saudia10434.htm

Human Rights Watch. (2008). Guatemala: World Report 2009. Retrieved January 10, 2009, fromhttp://www.hrw.org/en/node/79213

Human Rights Watch. (2009). Uganda: ‘anti-homosexuality’ bill threatens liberties and human rights defenders proposed provisions illegal, ominous, and unnecessary. Retrieved January 10, 2009, from http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/10/15/uganda-anti-homosexuality-bill-threatens-liberties-and-human-rights-defenders

Iatridis, D. (1995). Policy practice. In R. L. Edwards (Ed.), Encyclopedia of social work (19th ed., pp. 1855–1866). Washington, DC: NASW Press.

Johnson, A. (2004). Social work is standing on the legacy of Jane Addams: But are we sitting on the sidelines?Social Work, 49(2), 319–322.

Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS. (2004). Report on the global AIDS epidemic. Geneva: UNAIDS.

Knežević, M., & Butler, L. (2003). Public perceptions of social workers and social work in the Republic of Croatia. International Journal of Social Welfare, 12, 50–60.

Loescher, L., Milner, J., & Troeller, G. (2008). Protracted refugee situations: Political, human rights and security implications.New York: United Nations University Press.

Mills, C. W. (1959). The sociological imagination. New York: Oxford University Press.

Mizrahi, T. (2001). The status of community organization in 2001: Community practice context, complexities, contradictions, and contributions. Research on Social Work Practice, 11, 176–189.

National Association of Social Workers. (1999). Code of ethics of the National Association of Social Workers. Washington, DC: Author.

National Labor Committee. (n.d.). Working conditions in China. Retrieved December 21, 2005 fromhttp://www.nlcnet.org/campaigns/archive/report00/introduction.shtml

National Organization for Human Services. (1996). Ethical standards of human service professionals. Washington, DC: Author.

Netting, E., Kettner, P., & McMurtry, S. (2009). Social work macro practice. Boston: Pearson Education.

Polack, R. (2004). Social justice and the global economy: New challenges for social work in the 21st century. Social Work, 49(2), 281–290.

Religious Tolerance. (2004). U.S. Hate Crime laws: Ethical and civil rights concerns. Retrieved December 21, 2005, fromhttp://www.religious-tolerance.org/horn_hat5.htm

Rocha, C., & Johnson, A. (1997). Teaching family policy through a policy framework. Journal of Social Work Education, 33(3), 433–444.

Ryan, C., & Rivers, I. (2003). Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender youth: Victimization and its correlates in the U.S. and U.K.Culture, Health and Sexuality, 5(2), 103–119.

UNAIDS. (2008). 2008 Report on the global AIDS epidemic. Geneva: UNAIDS. Retrieved October 12, 2009, fromhttp://www.unaids.org/en/KnowledgeCentre/HIVData/GlobalReport/2008/2008_Global_report.asp

United Nations Children’s Fund, U.S. Agency for International Development. (2004). Children on the Brink 2004: A Joint Report of New Orphan Estimates and a Framework for Action. The Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS. New York: United Nations Children’s Fund.

United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. (2006). Human Rights Watch supplemental submission to the Human Rights Committee during its consideration of the second and third periodic reports of the United States. Retrieved December 9, 2010, from http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrc/docs/ngos/HRW.pdf

U.S. Department of State. (2008). Trafficking in persons report. (USDS Publication No. 11252). Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Retrieved December 12, 2009, from http://www.state.gov/g/tip/rls/tiprpt/2008/index.htm

U.S. Department of State. (2001). Afghanistan: Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. Retrieved November 7, 2009, from http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2000/sa/721.htm

Weil, M. O. (1996). Community building: Building community practice. Social Work, 41(5), 481–499.

Weiss, I. (2003). Social work students and social change: On the link between views on poverty, social work goals and policy practice. International Journal of Social Welfare, 12, 132–141.

Weiss, I. (2005). Is there a global common core to social work? A cross-national comparative study of BSW graduate students.Social Work, 50(2), 102–110.

World Health Organization. (1998). Female genital mutilation—an overview. Geneva: Author.

 

Introduction to Human Services. Through the Eyes of Practice Settings, Second Edition

Chapter 15: Macro Practice and International Human Services

ISBN: 9780205795024 Author: Michelle E. Martin

Copyright © Pearson Education (2011)

 
Do you need a similar assignment done for you from scratch? Order now!
Use Discount Code "Newclient" for a 15% Discount!

How Do We Create An Alignment Of Incentives That Creates The Best Possible Outcomes For The Provider, Supplier And The Patient?

Health insurance acts as a buffer between the consumer and cost of health care goods and services. Goods and services cost the consumer less than the charged price because of the presence of health insurance. Because a consumer does not pay the full cost of a good, the consumer may purchase more than goods than he would otherwise purchase without insurance. Providers act as patient’s agent and act in patient’s best interest. Providers may have a financial incentive to act or refrain from acting in a certain way due to insurance arrangements or the lack of insurance. Supplier-induced demand is the provider version of moral hazard. Providers create a demand beyond the amount the well-informed consumer would have chosen. How do we create an alignment of incentives that creates the best possible outcomes for the provider, supplier and the patient?

 
Do you need a similar assignment done for you from scratch? Order now!
Use Discount Code "Newclient" for a 15% Discount!

Steps Toward Developing Tactical Self-Awareness

Macro Practitioners Undertake Community Assessments.
Improving Community Engagement Through Tactical Self-Awareness

The Preplanning BeginsThe two macro practitioners were back at Kay’s sister’s house on Chicago’s North Side, getting warm with hot cider spiked with a touch of rum. Kay had called home to check on her kids, both happy to report they’d stayed up to watch the Grant Park excitement with their dad, unhappy they hadn’t found their mom on TV amidst the hundreds of thousands of celebrators. Ellis had checked in with his significant other in California, whose thrill about Obama was tempered by the Proposition 8 victory against gay marriage that had occurred. Hoping to have been married later that year, Ellis felt momentarily glum but refused to stay that way this evening.

“Rob and I were planning an inaugural wedding in San Diego on January 20th, but I guess that’s out for now.” He paused, a look of determination crossing his face. “Hey, I’ve been in that battle a long time, and there’s no stopping us now. We’ll get there, I’m sure of it!” he raised his cider mug in triumph. “Tonight, there’s too much to celebrate to dwell on what didn’t happen. We’ve had to do that for so long, it’s hard not to, but tonight is celebration time! I can get back to work tomorrow, but tonight we’re keeping it happy. Like you said, who could believe a Black man is gonna be president of the United States! And that he read the nation’s mood so brilliantly!” He took another sip of the cider. “He sure did his assessment better than we started out, don’t you think?”

They both laughed, the memory as warm as the mugs they held in their hands. They were taken back to 1990 and their first macro organizing class and their dreaded group assignment, a community assessment of their own choosing. Sitting together in a small classroom, there were four of them in the group: Ellis; Kay; Esperanza, an older Puerto Rican woman who’d gone back to college after her children were grown and had completed her undergraduate degree in three years; and Jill, a quiet White woman whose luminescent brown eyes grew tight only when Kay and Ellis argued, which was often.

“So we chose Harlem to look at. There’s so many oppressive conditions there, I say we just take poverty and racism and that’s enough. I mean, look at how poverty’s grown over the last 10 years!” Ellis was as emphatic as he was assured as the group members sat down to meet for the first time.

“Well, yeah, sure, but couldn’t we slow down a bit and find out why we chose Harlem? It’s not the only community in New York, it’s not even the only Black neighborhood. We must have our own reasons. Couldn’t we start there, at least a little?” While less assured, her voice trembling slightly, all the group members noted Kay was no less emphatic in her request.

You’re telling me about Black neighborhoods?” Ellis gave Kay a withering look.

“I wasn’t telling anybody anything. I was just trying to slow down and learn about each other and why this assignment might matter in some special way to each of us.” She looked at the others for support. “Maybe we all can agree on a focus together after that.”

“Whatever.” Ellis continued to stare at Kay. “I just hope we move on to the work sooner rather than later. Racial oppression isn’t solved with talk-talk-talk.”

Esperanza spoke up. “So let’s take a minute or two, okay? I chose to look at Harlem because it’s pretty close to my community, East Harlem, and my daughter’s first middle school was there. We could even walk to school from our apartment, but the school was so bad I had her transferred out in a month. That was 10 years ago. Now I see that the cuts in education keep coming, but they keep talking about school reform, too. I want to see if that school has gotten any better.” Without speaking, Jill got up and wrote schools on the blackboard.

Kay spoke next. “I worked for four years in a homeless shelter, and some of the staff I got to be friends with come from Harlem. They told me about what a great place it was, with the Apollo Theatre, restaurants like Sylvia’s, the architecture, the famous churches with Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. It also has one of the largest numbers of homeless shelters in the city. So I thought I could learn more about how people handle homelessness, even with all the poverty and drugs the papers are writing about. People up here may have answers about how to get people into permanent housing that we could learn from, I’m sure.” Jill paused, then wrote the homeless and local resources.

“I already know Harlem. I don’t need a tourist’s trip to visit there. Walk away from 125th Street and you’ll see problems galore: poor housing, men and women out of work, kids with nothing to do except hang out and end up in jail. Poverty goes up, prison levels go up, too. Like they say, when America gets a cold, the Black community gets pneumonia. Hey, the issues in Harlem come from the conditions of oppression created over the last 350 years. If we’re going to help young people, whatever we do up here better deal with that reality.” Jill wrote poverty and oppression and prisonson the board. Wordlessly, Ellis got up and added youth.

Jill was the last to speak. “My best friend in high school lived in Harlem until she was 13. Then something happened to her brother and her family moved to Long Island. She told me she was happy to be with so much green all around her, but she missed the friends and family members she saw on the street every day. Her family came back to church there every Sunday, a two-hour commute each way. It always amazed me that she never complained about the trip.” She paused, and looked keenly at her group members. “I thought it would be great to find out why.” Kay wroteconnections and people next to local resources.

“So now what do we do? The whole community is too big to work on.” Ellis looked at the blackboard. “Youth, schools, oppression, poverty, homelessness, and the people and resources to fight back. How do we narrow this to make it mean something?”

“And make it manageable so we get it done?” added Esperanza.

Their first meeting broke up soon after, the three women pleased with their progress, the lone man frustrated that they were still talking and not doing something. Much to Ellis’s dismay, it would take them a month more of meeting together, twice a week, to make their project both meaningful and manageable. Looking back, he would later say it was one of the most painful group experiences of his time at school. It also was, he readily admitted, one of the best learning experiences.

The Preplanning Phase to Community Assessment: Clarifying Assumptions ofCommunity

Strategic Step One: The Preplanning Begins to Clarify Assumptions on Why the Work Matters for the Group

While often given short shrift, one of the most important phases of a community practitioner’s work occurs during what others have called the preplanning phase of a group (Glasser, Sarri, Sundel, & Vintner, 1986Rothman, 2008). Preplanning is when people discuss and clarify the basic assumptions of what community (or problem) they are looking at. During preplanning, a community group frames the basic ways in which it will approach the actual planning and assessment undertaken. While it can appear to be less labor intensive than the actual sifting of data, interviewing people, and analyzing trends, its work is the foundation on which the assessment will be measured for its effectiveness.

For example, our four students of macro practice each carried distinct assumptions about the community they were about to assess.

  • Esperanza spoke in terms of a geographic community, one distinct from others by certain assumed physical borders that made Harlem different from East Harlem (Fellin, 2000Warren, 1987). Such geography has set limits to its borders even though the actual borders may be defined not only by space but also by shifts in population (East Harlem is more Hispanic, Harlem is more African American) or activities (the commercial strip of 116th Street is seen as the dividing line between the south—East Harlem—and north—Harlem).
  • Kay’s interest in the homeless given shelter in Harlem and those who worked with them related to a functional community. Her emphasis was on the shared activities and functions of a group of people responding to a particular problem. Added to her definition was interest in the particular resources of the community applied within this functional community, a dimension ofbridging social capital among organizational members. Bridging social capital is created among those networks of affiliations that join professionals and community members in shared activity so that a defined problem across that community—in this case, the functional community concerned with homelessness—is dealt with more effectively than otherwise might occur (Putnam, 1994Saegert & DeFelippis, 2007).
  • Jill’s story of her best friend highlighted a community of shared interest and affiliation. While similar to a functional community in its shared interests found at church, its emphasis is on the bonded social capital that does not necessarily extend beyond the particular church itself. While less integrative, functionally, across a larger community’s population (it was, after all, one church), it adds deeper emotional ties of long-term affiliation that a functional community will not (Anton, Fisk, & Holmstrom, 2000Putnam, 1994Saegert & DeFelippis, 2007).
  • Finally, Ellis’s mix of historic conditions and common problems of an entire group of people refers to the classic solidarity community based on race, religion, ethnic heritage, or ideology. As such, it can be located inside both geographic and functional communities as long as groups recognize and find common solidarity in that reference. For example, such a community of shared interests based on historic background remains of prime concern today to people of color, has a more varied response among some White ethnic/religious groups (Reform Jews and Lubvacher Jews in the United States), and is less easily defined for White Protestants (Winters & DeBose, 2002).
Reflective Questions

? What is the definition of community that your campaign or agency works from? What is the strength in that definition? Is there a potential limitation?

Why preplanning matters: It is through the airing of what people mean by community that a group begins to sort through what it is interested in assessing and why. This sifting matters, because otherwise a group’s members could be looking at the same issues through a different lens. Data collected, interviews undertaken, and implications drawn would all appear with different emphases: Ellis would locate connections to the past while Kay would be trying to interpret the same data for the future. Jill would be drawn to what happened inside a bonded community while Esperanza would seek data to spot trends across a geographic community and perhaps beyond. As community groups have limited resources, especially related to time and money, the necessary sifting of assumptions so that a group agrees on what it will and will not be addressing is the bedrock on which its eventual results will be evaluated.

Finally, with the exception of Jill, whose focus was drawn to affiliated church activities of the area, all the others mention the defensive and reactive posture that was common to poorer neighborhoods and their professional allies in the early 1990s. Esperanza thought about assessing what happened at one school, not the school system. Kay was concerned about how to work with the homeless on housing relocation. Even Ellis, while concerned about systemic issues, had begun to narrow his focus to one group of people—youth—not all the residents of Harlem.

As such, their implicit level-one assessments took as a given that a poor community in the 1990s was worse off than it had been and that its actors would be fighting an uphill battle for its needs to be met. Fitting this level-one assessment into their overall practice framework was a necessary adaptation to the political and economic dynamics of the day. Had they been looking for and proposing wide-scale social movement activity or a more far-reaching set of demands on what they thought was achievable, they would have been strategically ineffective before they began their actual work. Today’s macro practitioners will be called upon to make their own level-one assessments under conditions that may be quite distinct from those of Ellis, Kay, and their classmates.

Phase Two: From Preplanning Assumptions to Planned Action: The Harlem Group Gets Busy by Choosing Meaningful Targets and Manageable Timelines

“I don’t care about what social workers want! It’s what young people of Harlem want and need that matters!”

“Ellis, will you stop speaking about ‘the people’? Aren’t social workers people? Aren’t we?” Kay and Ellis were disagreeing for the third time that afternoon.

Finally Esperanza interrupted them both. “Listen up, you two! Ellis, Kay wants to look at youth programs to see what they need so they can be improved. Kay, Ellis wants to make sure young kids of color have their voices heard. You know, it is possible to do both. Something could benefit the program professionals and the kids. It’s not one or the other, right?”

“I just don’t trust the focus on what professionals in programs have to say. Professionals have been living off the lives of poor people forever.” Ellis folded his arms across his chest and turned away from his combatant.

“And I don’t trust something so vague it just ends up making some political point but doesn’t do anything to actually help anybody. What good does it do to remind people they’re oppressed if you don’t do anything to help?” Kay bit into her pencil, chewing the final piece of eraser off.

“Esperanza’s right.” Jill spoke for the first time that afternoon. “Let’s just start by focusing on prospects for youth in Harlem and go from there. We don’t even know what we’re concretely talking about yet. Maybe if we look at some actual data we can narrow down what we’re looking at. Is it job prospects? School prospects? Afterschool prospects? Let’s do the work and find out.” Jill looked at Kay. “That means we can look at programs as well as people.” Kay nodded in quiet assent. “And of course we have to talk with young people, Ellis. They’re central to our work, right?”

Ellis was quiet for a moment, then pulled a neatly sorted folder from his briefcase. “Actually, I did some data sorting already. I went over to the Community Planning Board and got data on all the issues we’ve been discussing: poverty, test scores, numbers of homeless.” He ruffled through the material, selecting two pages that were both heavily marked with yellow highlighter. “These data sets stood out. The first one shows school dropout rates in Central Harlem.” He pointed across a bar graph, showing the upward trajectory. “All the data show increasing dropout rates.” He went on to explain three other highlighted graphs on the next page that connected these rates to where the dropouts lived, the percentage who came from single-parent homes, and levels of poverty.

The group was silent with their admiration for Ellis’s work. “Where’d you learn to do that?” Esperanza asked.

Ellis blushed, then quickly looked away. “You know, when I was in school. I was always into math, liked to see what underlay things.” He pointed at the pile of papers on the table. “This kind of work is fun for me.”

For once Kay laughed warmly. “Hey, no wonder we always fight! Me, I hate math, and math hates me.” Kay shyly reached into her large and obviously messy book bag and pulled out a single piece of paper. “I did speak with my field instructor, and she gave me a list of all the youth agencies in Harlem. Turns out there’s a task force of social workers who meet once a month to discuss common problems and advocate on their agencies’ behalf. My field instructor gave me the name and numbers of the chairperson to contact.” She smiled again at Ellis. “Between your data sets and my contacts, maybe we could get something done!” A small grin momentarily appeared on his face as well.

While they were talking, Jill had been quietly writing on the blackboard. At the top were lists of specific tasks: collection of data, interviews with program professionals, interviews with youth in programs/not in programs, and interviews with community leaders. “Here’s some things for us to do. “How about we divide up? Ellis, you’re good at data, so you handle that. Kay, you’ve got your task force, so you do those professionals. Esperanza, you probably know community leaders already, so maybe you could take them. I like to write lists, so I’ll be the recorder/keeper of everyone’s records.” Her fellow group members looked at her, then began clapping. The quietest group member had gotten them to move!

She hesitated for a second, embarrassed by all the attention. “So let’s set timelines for all the things in each section.” They quickly did so, making specific suggestions within each other’s lists of contacts, other data sources, and possible leads for more information.

Then Esperanza spoke again. “Hey, let’s not forget one thing: Our macro teacher says we have to walk the streets, too, in pairs, and get to know the neighborhood as well as the people in it. So maybe we can get to know some of the kids that way. Okay?”

The group nodded in agreement. Then they drew straws to pair up. Naturally, Ellis and Kay wound up together.

Strategic Step Two: The End of the Preplanning Phase–Assessment Choices Are Made … at Last!

The minor skirmish in the above scenario between Ellis and Kay is symptomatic of the classic confrontation that occurs in almost every initial macro/organizing class: an argument between community organizers like Ellis who are motivated by ideological beliefs and who enter social work to find a well-paying, progressive job, and social workers like Kay who decide to do organizing as the best example of what the profession has to offer. Such differences crop up in the preplanning phase of a community group’s work because each type of practitioner is having her or his core assumptions tested by the other. The battle over targets that so often occurs in groups is not only about the difficult choices one must make to effectively manage the assessment work; it is also about the struggle to guarantee that core beliefs on who matters will not be discarded. (The issue of who matters will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter 7.) Esperanza and Jill helped bridge the divide between Ellis and Kay by helping them see that their extremes could be encompassed within the same framework. By including both the voice of young people and a review of existing program needs, the group guaranteed that the target focus would have meaning in what it eventually accomplished. Working to bridge different group members’ core interests is a primary task an organizer undertakes in this often tumultuous and important phase of a group’s development.

Joining Targets to Meaningful Goal Achievement

Jill broke through the group impasse by sorting the target as “youth in Harlem” and the goal as “better their prospects.” While still vague, prospects was understood to mean both issues that concerned young people and programs that could meet them because of the clarifying, albeit intense, arguing of Ellis and Kay that had ensued in the preplanning phase.

In this way, the goal itself becomes a filtering lens as group members go about their tasks of data collection, interviewing, and analysis. If a strategic goal is too vague (“helping youth”), the tasks at hand remain equally broad, forcing a group to later reassess as the questions asked and the answers given remain too broad for actual use later. Likewise, a goal that is too specific (to help one particular program run better), while more manageable, may lack the meaning to one’s work that a community group seeks for its young people. “Helping the prospects of young people” has enough specificity to clarify the direction of a group’s efforts while remaining open enough to guarantee that key actors (both youth and professionals) are part of the group’s eventual recommendations for change.

Connecting Meaningful Goals to Manageable Targets

The assessment thus begins to move forward with planned tasks and strategic direction. Using the goal as a filter, a community group then separates out tasks that are manageable based on the group’s resources related to time, technology, and financial costs. All three resources serve as balancing weights to the meaningful power embedded in the strategic goal. One may hold “change the world” as an overarching goal, but having a day or two a week to accomplish something that profound may require rethinking either your resource commitment (Can you really give up all your sleep?) or making the goal itself more concrete and realizable. For our four practitioners above, manageability required a careful assessment of all three resources:

  • Time: Work on this group assignment had to take place when members were not doing field work (three days a week), when they were not in class (part of two other days a week), and when they did not work (three had part-time jobs of 20 hours a week, while Esperanza was in a work-related school program that let her go to school one day a week while she worked 10-hour days the other four weekdays). Such time constraints are typical for both social work students and people running community programs with volunteer members. This means that weekends, weeknights, and other free hours would be the “time resource” a group has to work with.
  • Technology: In 1990, google was neither a powerful Web search engine nor a verb used by people seeking information. While information could be found on the Web, Ellis’s legwork regarding the local Community Board was far more common for hard data searches than it will be in the 21st century. Today, Web-based information can far more easily facilitate a group’s need for hard data on what the conditions are regarding a particular program, population, or problem within a community. The Internet has greatly enriched community groups’ capacities to mine data to develop powerful arguments related to needs and resources for a community group. Whether on neighborhood blight (Shlay & Whitman, 2006) or community food assessments (Cohen, 2002), the use of hard data found on the Internet has greatly strengthened a group’s capacity and the ease by which it can make its arguments for change widely known.

That said, the risks of technology have shifted from professionals’ struggle to utilize it to the dangers of overreliance on Internet-based information to substitute for actual on-the-ground assessments of real people affected by the issue under review. Ellis’s visit to the Community Board for data also created the opportunity to meet and interact with people from the community being assessed. The value of adding texture to the search engines’ hard data on a community by informal information gleaned from such interactions as a practitioner goes about her or his work cannot be underestimated.

Furthermore, there are class and racial biases associated with both Web utilization and the information collected on it (National Urban League, 2009). Poor community groups, especially those working with those most often perceived at the margins of public discourse (like the homeless in the 1970s) have sparse Web pages and use their resources on program development, not MIS development. Their Web pages likely will not reveal the work being done with a teen fathers’ program, housing efforts with undocumented workers, or antiviolence activities on behalf of homeless LGBT youth.

Finally, not all of a community’s members are comfortable with or have access to personal computers. While the Web has great potential for broader and more democratic experience (see Chapter 10), it can only be so if its users make the effort to extend its use throughout their communities to those least able to afford it.

With these caveats, today’s Internet technology still creates enormous opportunities to collect relatively accurate hard data that can help a group pinpoint what it is seeking to assess. Because of its accessibility, it can also allow group members to spend that much more time in the community interviewing people, including community leaders; professionals concerned with the program, population, or problem; and those most directly affected by the issue at hand (in this case, youth). In short, while people’s work, school, and familial demands have diminished the amount of time they have to make thorough assessments, technology has provided them more time than was possible when Kay, Ellis, Jill, and Esperanza were beginning their assessments in the 1990s.

  • Financial Costs: While the costs of a community assessment may seem to be minimal for a group like the above, there are hidden costs that a socially aware practitioner must make as assignments are divided up among a group’s members. Hours spent interviewing could be hours spent at a part-time job. Travel costs related to either public transportation or car mileage (gas, oil, tolls) may play a factor. An entire day spent walking the streets of a neighborhood means somebody has food costs, even if it is only a slice or two of pizza. Some people, especially women, will have childcare costs, either directly financial or in cooperative arrangements that cost them extra hours later in the week. Taking time to reflect on and showing respect for the varied financial demands on different group members is one of the ways that practitioners establish their legitimacy with others. It also allows every group member to honestly assess what he or she is capable of doing for the group so that the tasks at hand are reliably and responsively handled.

Taken together, the resources of time, technology, and financial costs help a group sift through the meaningful–manageable matrix between desired goals and available resources. Group members then can focus more clearly on the targets under assessment, the breadth of needs they will attempt to delineate, and the boundaries (whether geographic, functional, solidarity, or bonded) of the community itself. After listening to the debate between Ellis and Kay that helped her sort out the matrix that could satisfy them both, Jill successfully moved the group from a discussion about youth and professionals to prospects for youth, giving it a manageable, programmatic focus that pleased Kay without delineating which programs those would be. That, after all, was the meaningful part of the assessment that required input from the youth themselves, central to Ellis’s concerns.

Thus, the meaningful–manageable matrix is the sifting tool a group uses to handle its first practice dilemma: too broad a focus and they can’t get anything done; too narrow and it may not matter what happens. It also is the prod for concrete specificity that helps a group get to work. Given limited time, how big a community are we looking at? What can we learn from data sources on the Internet, and what must be learned from direct contact with others? And who is a reliable informant? That professional who runs an afterschool program has credibility, but will she admit to gaps in service? That young person can speak openly about his own needs, but does he know what others his age care about? How much time and expense can a group use in making certain its members are meeting people who are truly reflective of the community they are assessing?

The Storm Before the Lull: A Group Debates its Values: Needs Versus Strengths, Oppression Versus Opportunity, and the Expertise of Professionals Versus the Voice of the People

As any experienced group worker or community organizer knows, groups often erupt into harsh battle lines as members must decide not only what they want to do but also how they want to do it (Middleman & Wood, 1989Salmon & Kurland, 1995). Ellis and Kay’s group was no different:

“So listen, you two, could we argue a little less here?” Esperanza was looking directly at Ellis and Kay. “We have some hard decisions to make and I’d like to get home and make dinner before 7 p.m. So … which part of Harlem? There are a million people in the whole community. So what makes sense? And prospects for youth about what? Employment? Education? Health? And which youth? Thirteen to 17? Seventeen to 21? And how are we going to find them and the people who work with them?” Esperanza’s voice had a slight edge of frustration to it as more and more questions emerged. She looked at her watch and sighed heavily.

“Ellis already gave us an option with his data. Why not just look at Central Harlem? That seems big enough to matter, but it’s not the whole huge community,” Kay spoke quickly in response. “My task force list has about eight agencies right there.”

“Um…I like the idea of Central Harlem, Esperanza. We could handle that and it still is, well, you know,” Ellis smiled, “central to the community. What goes on here affects the rest of the community.” Everyone smiled. Ellis and Kay had finally agreed on something!

Kay went on quickly. “I heard from my supervisor that these groups are doing some excellent work with those new afterschool programs. I know we could talk to them about what they’re doing. I’d love to see what’s working so we could pass it on to others.”

Ellis quickly jumped, the irritation back in his voice. “Excuse me, but before we go to how cool things are, could we examine the actual conditions on these data sheets and compare them elsewhere? I mean, yeah, people can do nice work, but what if that work has been compromised by underfunding? Let’s make a little comparison between Central Harlem and the Upper East Side District on the same programs. I will bet you two to one that we’re underfunded up here, even though the need is greater!”

“Come on Ellis, don’t we have enough to do on this project? I’m sure the afterschool people can tell us their resource issues. After all, they know …”

Ellis quickly interrupted. “There you go again, trusting what a few professionals say, making it easier on us by avoiding reality. I am certain that a little historical trend data will show us the kind of discrimination and oppression for these Black and Latino kids that some people don’t want to admit to. Maybe making it easy on us is just a cop-out …”

“Hey, Ellis, I didn’t say anything like that!” It was Kay’s turn to interrupt, her cheeks turning red with anger. “I just said let’s see what’s working! Besides which, what exactly is wrong with speaking with professionals? If they work here and care about the kids, aren’t they part of the community in some way too? Or is the only good community assessment one that focuses on the victims of oppression? Couldn’t people be doing something right as well? Even those professionals you think are jerks?”

The two argued for another five minutes, neither giving ground to the other. Finally, Jill got up and started to pack her book bag. “I’m already late to my waitressing job downtown.” She looked at Kay and Ellis, her voice wavering, as she spoke. “I say make a comparison. A good assessment needs trends to make sense of what’s going on. So what’s the big deal, Kay? And Ellis, we’re in social work! Do you honestly think everyone working those 12-hour days for less pay than teachers make is a sell-out? Why don’t you guys just calm down and meet in the middle? My God, we’re doing a community assessment here, not planning World War III! Stop making yourselves each other’s enemy, okay?”

Esperanza was packing up her bags as well. “So, since you guys monopolized all the time, you get to stay here and finish this up. We’ve got Central Harlem. We’ve got these new after-school programs as our focus. So let’s compare the past and talk to professionals about the present. And kids, too. Just take a breath and spend time on a work plan … we’ve only got four weeks to get this project done.” She looked at Kay and Ellis like the mother she was as she made her last comment. “And if each of you could see the other’s point of view, just a little, we’d all get the results we want. Kay, talking about the past doesn’t mean we ignore good stuff in the present. Ellis, talking to professionals on what’s working doesn’t mean we forget about injustice.” She slung her large book bag over her shoulder as she worked to the door. “Lighten up, okay? And put together sensible timelines for what we’ve got to do before you leave!”

Ellis and Kay looked down at their notes, each embarrassed. Jill had made them see how strident they’d been. And from Esperanza they’d seen how childish as well. Their arguing behind them at least for the moment, they quickly got to work.

The storming that occurred here encapsulates what inevitably occurs at some stage of a group’s development as group members must make decisions on how they are going to move ahead. In that discussion of “how” is embedded the way in which the core values within the assessment will be expressed. While there are always minor variations, those arguments most often entail three distinct yet overlapping themes.

Needs/Strengths, Oppression/Opportunity, and the Expertise of Professionals/the Voice of the People

As we saw with Kay and Ellis, the debate will be argued as one versus the other, as if the topics were dichotomized and one’s choice cancelled the other out. That’s why the storming occurs, for group members, caught in the ambiguity of a group’s project formation, overemphasize what matters to them most so they guarantee its place in the project. That the eventual emphasis might be an amalgam of both rather than either/or may seem obvious, but it is rare in a group’s formative stage that this kind of battle does not take place (Middleman & Wood, 1989). In community assessments, such struggles are common to group life and become reflective of core strains that have existed inside the social work field for generations (Abramovitz, 1999Blau & Abramovitz, 2007;Fisher & Karger, 1996Jansson, 2008).

Needs Versus Strengths

Twenty-five years ago, community assessments were called community needs assessments, and the focus was overwhelmingly on the problems, disparities, and deficits that could be found in some part of

  1. a community’s functions—economic production, distribution, consumption; socialization and social control; participation and support (Fellin, 2000Warren, 1987);
  2. populations—youth, elderly, LGBT, infants, children in foster care, and so on; or
  3. structures—education, social service, transportation services, and linkages to other communities. As Saleebey (2008) cogently argued, such a deficit focus undercuts the strengths, resiliency, and capacity of communities, especially those whose objective conditions were in part limited by conditions of economic and social oppression and social stigma.

Saleebey (2008) argued that for macro practitioners and others to focus only on needs was to further marginalize already oppressed communities and groups. By instead locating the variety of forms of resiliency, organizational capacity, and assets present in communities, this strength-oriented perspective reconfigured how one went about analyzing the what and how of communities and their members in a resonant and powerful way that corrected the balance between actual needs and the capacity of a community to meet them.

This, of course, was the underlying point to Kay’s argument. Ellis’s was to guarantee that the historical and present-day realities of oppressive and discriminatory resource allocation in comparison to other communities and groups not be ignored as well. New practitioners (as Ellis and Kay were at the time) fought as hard as they did so that these core dimensions to their community assessment would be neither ignored nor trivialized. Finding a balance between awareness of discrimination and marginalization and not focusing exclusively on deficits and victimization is part of the filtering that group members do as they develop their community assessment project.

Oppression Versus Opportunity

One of the longest debates among American organizers, social workers, and policymakers concerned with poverty and social welfare relates to one’s interpretations of the social conditions impacting people’s lives (Blau & Abramovitz, 2007Jansson, 2008;Reisch & Andrews, 2002). As we can see from the above case study, Ellis is acutely aware of the historic markers of oppression and discrimination that are woven into the conditions of the Harlem community’s life. As such, he frames his interpretation of present-day problems within long-term and systematic issues of purposeful discrimination, economic inequality, and conscious marginalization that have long afflicted the community he is assessing (National Urban League, 2009). The identified problem—whether prospects for youth or concerns of the elderly—will always have a comparative, trend-influenced perspective so that any possible inequalities will be highlighted and appear central to eventual problem definition and proposed solutions. Actions would incorporate this principled attention to the past as work was undertaken.

Kay, on the other hand, sought out the opportunities presently at play so that their group could recommend meaningful activities that actually impacted the youth. Her focus, while not denying past injustices, centered on what could be done in the immediate present based on resources and interests of programs and the people who ran them. The problem at hand would have an immediacy and pragmatic attention to action based on what could benefit youth regardless of the past.

The discussion on oppression and opportunity that macro practitioners undertake eventually gets filtered through the mix ofprinciples and pragmatism common to all policy debates (Jansson, 2008), especially as they impact programmatic recommendations for a targeted group whose needs may be both large in the present and historic in the making. Kay and Ellis were arguing in ways familiar to almost all groups as practitioners refine their assessments to be both principled and pragmatic in their analysis of social problems and what they propose to do about them (Alinsky, 1989a1989b).

Professional Expertise Versus the Voice of the People

Ellis and Kay also argued over who were the key community informants, that is, who was most credible in evaluating the needs and assets of the community under review. Any assessment must have reliable informants, people whose answers to your questions accurately portray their program, population, or issue for an entire group of people and not just their own points of view. Likewise, community respondents’ answers on trends, problems, and assets must also have a high degree of validity; what they say must carry the authority of soundness and thoroughness regarding the issue at hand. Ellis’s desire to hear from young people reflected his belief in the validity of their experience, regardless of whether it could be generalized beyond themselves. In turn, Kay wanted the reliability offered by professionals’ wider scope, even though such scope may extend beyond their programmatic interests.

This kind of tension between professional experience and community member voice extends back more than 50 years in social work, as seen in its Code of Ethics (National Association of Social Workers, 2009). As such, it, too, is resolved not with an either/or answer but through the mix of both sets of representatives in one’s assessment. Esperanza and Jill forced Kay and Ellis to compromise on an age-old problem of the field so that they completed the course assignment. Selecting the mix of community members and professionals to interview in your own community assessment—all fit within the mix of principles and pragmatism that drive any good community project—will be part of the sifting process that you and your group undertake as well.

At the conclusion of this chapter, there is a topical outline from the Community Toolbox on the specific steps and tools you can use for your own community assessment. You are invited to use the outline and assess the rich material from the Web page for the step-by-step tools you will need as your projects unfold while we continue to frame the broader strategic issues at hand that impact your practice choices—and your career options.

Exercise: Creating a Meaningful–Manageable MixChoose a campaign you or your agency is involved in: _________________________________

Outline what and who it is attempting to influence and change in terms of Needs/Strengths:

____________________________________________________________________________

____________________________________________________________________________

Oppression/Opportunities:

____________________________________________________________________________

____________________________________________________________________________

Professional Expertise/Member Voice:

____________________________________________________________________________

____________________________________________________________________________

How could the campaign be made more manageable?

____________________________________________________________________________

____________________________________________________________________________

More meaningful?

____________________________________________________________________________

____________________________________________________________________________

The First Steps in Your Personal Development of Your Professional Best Practices: Making Tactical Choices … and Strategically Living with them

The arguments underway between Ellis and Kay at surface level are about the kinds of tactical choices their group needs to make to get the assignment done: Who do we talk with? Who matters? What are the boundaries of the community we are assessing? Too small and modest? Too big and vague? How much of the past do we compare to the present? How much do we focus on the programs as they are today? As such, these choices are powerfully reflective of the general strategic direction a group will take as its project enfolds. Those are the professional judgments of you and the people with whom you work about what you seek to accomplish.

That said, how you respond to different tactical choices in your work is part of your personal and professional development into a great practitioner as well. Underlying Kay and Ellis’s arguments is something beyond professional strategic judgment. There is also the personal fear that what matters to one will be ignored, left out, or trivialized by the other, especially after the group has made its tactical choices on how to mix the amount of focus on oppression/opportunity, needs/strengths, and expertise/voice. Kay and Ellis are not only arguing; they are also in the beginning stages of their own development in living with the choices a group makes that may not totally reflect their own values, beliefs, and personal comfort.

Best practice in macro work is not only about the choices you make in the meaningful–manageable matrix of your project; it is your personal capacity to live within that mix once choices are made. Kay needs to toughen up and pay attention to larger social conditions and dynamics of oppression. Ellis needs to lighten up and allow that not every social work program is a source of control and marginalization of the people he cares about. One’s ability to work on the choices a group makes and the dilemmas created by the inevitable limits that such choices create is a personal challenge that anyone committed to a life of meaningful social change and social justice must undertake throughout his or her career.

Happily, there is also a paradox embedded in this personal and professional challenge: The more you are able to handle your tactical choices and their limits, the more likely you will begin to embody the qualities of openness, flexibility, and humility that are at the core of Paulo Freire’s (2000) charge to practitioners who seek to work with the oppressed:

Dialogue (the ongoing, reciprocal work done among macro practitioners and community members-SB) cannot exist without humility. The naming of the world, through which (people) constantly re-create that world, cannot be an act of arrogance. Dialogue, as the encounter of (people) addressed to the common task of learning and acting, is broken if the parties (or one of them) lacks humility. How can I dialogue if I always project ignorance onto others and never perceive my own? How can I dialogue if I regard myself as a case apart from others … if I consider myself a part of the in-group of “pure” men, the owners of truth and knowledge for whom all others are “these people’? … Someone who cannot acknowledge himself to be as mortal as everyone else still has a long way to go to be at the point of encounter (with those with whom you work). (p. 90)

Through one’s personal capacity to admit to limits, one’s professional capacity to transform the way in which we work with others becomes more, not less, powerful. Of course, seeing limits as opportunities for growth is an enormous paradox as well: How can one have the courage to try to change the world and be humble at the same time?

Learning to Grow Through “Less is More”: The Development of Tactical Self-Awareness

This is where the development of tactical self-awareness can make a difference. As we can see from the early struggles between Ellis and Kay, some of their disagreements stemmed from the different ways they approached problem solving early on in their group’s development. Ellis wanted to get down to work and move things along; Kay desired a chance to talk things through and to check in with each other before getting down to the rest of the work. Their differences in pace (one fast, one more measured) and focus of interest (one on task, one on process) are reflective of key dimensions to one of the profession’s key domains: the conscious use of self.

However, “use of self” has been written about primarily for caseworkers, where transference and countertransference issues are endemic problems to barriers practice (Maguire, 2001). The social caseworker uses available tools to minimize long-term problems created by such intrapsychic phenomena: Regular clinical supervision, knowledge of cultural and social psychological differences, the spatial limits of an office, and the temporal limits of a 45-minute session (or less) are all used to maintain practice effectiveness. Such aids help the caseworker and the client overcome what are otherwise emotionally charged problems within the therapeutic process.

Few of these aids exist for the community practitioner. He or she works with varying numbers of people in rarely neutral settings, often at irregular hours. Supervision, when it exists, is structured around the political and strategic concerns of the group. Furthermore, many community practitioners (like Ellis) are predisposed to mistrust the presumably “gloppy” process interests of case and group workers: The task is everything, and the process, if it matters, is a concern for leadership development, not for personal issues related to oneself. Anything else is just talk.

The reality, of course, is that community practitioners, whether they are organizers or managers, are as much engaged in process as any other worker is. As we can see through Ellis and Kay’s arguments, the emotional strains are certainly as intense. This is why, in part, so many organizers leave community organizing after a few years. They burn out not because the work is finished but because they are too exhausted, personally, to continue. Instead of the experience being a mellowing process, as Perlman (1989) called long-term professional work, it becomes a justification for exhaustion. The result is that many social work agencies and communities lose some of their most skilled professionals just when they could be of most service (Maguire, 2001).

One of the ways organizers can avoid burning out is through a different appreciation of the use of self, using an approach that looks at personal issues in terms of the community organizing experience, drawing on both casework and community organizing literature to create a viable methodology—one that actively incorporates the self into the socially and politically tumultuous world of organizing. What follows is an attempt to do just that.

A Case Example of the Person in the Organizing Process

An example of how an individual’s personal makeup affects the organizing process occurred during a legislative session where social workers were intently lobbying for their issues. A young organizer was speaking with me about her lobbying efforts on food stamp legislation. It was a complex and exciting task, one she relished. If passed, the new procedural guidelines would have tremendous impact on thousands of people. The vote was expected to be close, but she looked forward to the effort, complete with arm twisting, late night negotiations, and constant haggling as the vote drew close. Later in the conversation, we happened to speak about casework, and she visibly cringed when I suggested she also might like being a caseworker. “Never! I haven’t the right to do that kind of work—there’s too much power over the individual. I’d never do it.” When I mentioned that she seemed to relish the power at the legislative level, which could affect thousands of people, her consternation grew. “But there’s a difference—one’s individual, the other’s collective. I want to help communities, not just one person.” She and Ellis have a lot in common.

As she later admitted, however, her initial response to my query had been personally, not politically, based. While she still felt politically correct in choosing organizing over casework, part of her justification had centered on her own discomfort with intense personal interaction. Unfortunately, the blanket political justification also had diminished her own effectiveness as an organizer. Personality is not destiny, but since people implement strategy, one’s own personal understanding becomes tactically necessary. This otherwise effective organizer later found herself limited in her arm-twisting techniques. She was highly effective when working in groups, but lobbying’s one-on-one interaction left her awkwardly inarticulate. If she had been more aware of this personal limitation, her ensuing difficulties, repeated throughout the legislative session, might have diminished.

Locating the Introspective Cutting Edge of Organizing

As the above example suggests, the introspective cutting edge of organizing is not an either political or personal issue, but one oftactical self-awareness: How aware are you of your personal skills in the array of organizing settings that you are part of daily? Can you distinguish between objective and personal limits? Did that important contact at the fundraiser turn you down because her funds were already committed or because your own discomfort in social situations made her disinterested in your organization? Did the plans for the large rally fall apart because people truly weren’t interested or because, like Kay, you don’t have the necessary attentiveness for the minor detail beforehand?

There are no easy answers, but the rest of this chapter will focus on how heightened tactical self-awareness can increase one’s organizing effectiveness.1 As we will see, the community assessment group’s struggles to create an effective plan of action would have been diminished had Ellis and Kay been developing their own tactical self-awareness to the organizing situation at hand.

 

1Since writing this in the early 1980s, I have learned that similar management tools have been developed and are used inside many corporate and nonprofit offices to help teams better problem-solve and communicate together. They include the DISC problem-solving series and Myers-Briggs personality assessments (Domboski, 2000).

 

The term tactical self-awareness has been chosen carefully, for the phrase emphasizes both personal temperament regarding one’s preferred approaches to problem solving and the specific organizing techniques required at that strategic phase of your group’s development.2 Tactical self-awareness, with attention to both one’s personal and political skills, is an extension of the relationship Saul Alinsky (1989b) discussed in his classic Rules for Radicals. In analyzing the failure of some organizers to grow beyond a certain elementary level of skill, he stated:

 

2With this noted, there is no suggestion that one’s personality is unchangeable—in fact, the opposite is true. As one lives through certain situations, her or his personality can and will change, as will the situations themselves. It is thus necessary to be that much more aware of these changes as they occur in oneself and in others so that one can maximize ongoing strategic effectiveness.

 

[Those who failed] memorized the words and related experience and concepts. Listening to them was like listening to a tape playing back my presentation word-for-word. … The problem … was their failure to understand that a specific situation is significant only in its relationship to and its illumination of a general concept. Instead they see the specific action as a terminal point. They fail to grasp that fact that no situation ever repeats itself, that no tactic can be precisely the same. (p. 23)

However, Alinsky (1989b) was stating only that tactics are different in each new situation. An individual is different, too, with distinct emotional and personal responses to the event, its participants, and the host of tactical considerations that are evoked by each strategic context. If each new strategic situation demands a fresh look at tactics, it also needs a quick reappraisal of the people involved in implementing them … including oneself.

The basic assumption of tactical self-awareness, by emphasizing simultaneous personal and tactical changes in varying contexts, opposes the Great Organizer Theory of Organizing. This theory (and one that almost every organizer has succumbed to at times) goes like this: Every organizer should be able to perform well within all important strategic situations, from running the office (the autonomous, neat, punctual organizer like Jill) to running the demonstration (the collective, spontaneous, charismatic organizer similar to Kay). Furthermore, anyone who can’t perform all these tasks should seriously consider a different profession.

A number of organizers have taken up this alternative job consideration after reading Alinsky’s (1989b) list items:

While idealized, the best organizers should have all of them to a strong extent, and any organizer needs a least a degree of each: (1) curiosity; (2) irreverence; (3) imagination; (4) a sense of humor; (5) a bit of a blurred vision of a better world; (6) an organized, rational personality; (7) a well-integrated political schizoid; (8) a strong ego; (9) a free and open mind. (p. 46)3

 

3With the exception of number 7, these points relate to personal characteristics. Point number 7, however, is a political prescription ideologically bound to a form of liberalism other organizers reject and should be viewed as being as politically motivated toward a particular ideology as any other political statement.

 

Alinsky (1989a1989b), always the provocative tactician, undoubtedly wrote this list with an eye toward some of the smug younger organizers of the late ’60s. However, anyone who reads this list, whether grayish ’60s activist or 21st-century Third Wave feminist, will feel understandably defeated. For example, after my own reading, I proceeded to eliminate everyone I knew from the “best” category, and only a few squeaked into his “any organizer” slot. Yet as I mused on the list while continuing my organizing, I realized something was missing in his analysis. At times, such as during large demonstrations, I was a terrific organizer: I functioned well, spoke clearly, got along with everybody, and even digested my food with ease. At other times, doing office routine, I was a klutz, about as effective as an Adam Sandler character on a blind date, without the humor. Did this mean I was only half an organizer, half effective?

All organizers will ask the same thing, particularly after certain organizing problems recur. If the problem is strictly tactical, they can find suitable political alternatives. For example, you don’t have a petition campaign when people can’t decide what the problem is, nor do you attack the landlord when the rest of the group still likes him. That’s simple enough and fits the general guidelines Alinsky (1989a) was writing about. Ellis calmed down in getting to work on the assessment when Esperanza pointed out to him the group’s need for a clear purpose before getting to work. Most organizers learn this within six months.

But real organizing, the day-to-day, garden variety of three-person meetings, busted conference calls because someone forgot the number, gulped lunches, overlooked details, and late-night, laughter-filled drinks at the bar, isn’t easily fit into abstract strategic formulas. In reality, an organizer is engaged in the implementation of tactics every day and thus is an embodiment, personally, of the tactics themselves. If some of those situations are personally discomforting, the tactic won’t be as effective as it might otherwise be. Kay was bothered by Ellis’s pushiness. Ellis grew irritated with Kay’s desire for check-ins. The objective for a community practitioner is to learn how to work with whatever form of discomfort you have in ways that minimize potential organizing problems in the future.

The young woman working on food stamp legislation discussed above had had just this type of problem. In her discomfort with direct, individualized interaction that had potential conflict, she presented the bill in her one-on-one meetings so poorly that a few moderately sympathetic legislators began to suspect both her and her program. Yet later that night at a group strategy session, the organizer could skillfully synthesize different bits of political information on how votes were lining up, and her final presentation was instrumental in charting the next day’s lobbying efforts.

In fact, she was no different from another practitioner. Equally important, her choice of tactics in the lobbying situation had been correct. The failings were her personal inhibitions in highly specified organizing activities that she herself could have predicted beforehand. She had functioned not as a heroine but as a human, good in some areas, a little shakier in others.

Reflective Question

? What is the key distinction between professional use of self and tactical self-awareness for the community-based practitioner?

A Practitioner’s Search for Internal Balance in the Midst of an Organizer’s Ambiguous Work

Organizers can begin to become more tactically self-aware by recognizing, rumors to the contrary, that they are just like other people in their varying effectiveness at work. In doing so, community practitioners can become much more open to the subjective concerns of psychologists and clinical social workers. One helpful role model is Carl Rogers (1980), who years ago developed a series of still-popular propositions related to personality development that explain some of the subjective reasons for one’s constantly shifting tactical effectiveness. While written for a different audience, the propositions (based on years of research) are still illuminating:

  1. A (person) reacts to the field (environment) as it is experienced. This perceptual field is, for the individual, reality.
  2. The (person) has one basic tendency and striving—to actualize, maintain, and enhance (itself).
  3. Behavior is basically the goal-directed attempts of the (person) to satisfy its needs as experienced in the field as it is perceived.
  4. Emotion accompanies and facilitates such goal-directed behavior.
  5. Any experience that is inconsistent with the organization or structure of self may be perceived as a threat, and the more of these perceptions there are, the more rigidly the self-structure is organized to maintain itself (emphasis added).
  6. Under certain conditions, involving complete absence of any threat to self-structure, experiences that are inconsistent with it may be perceived and examined and the structure of the self revised to assimilate and include such experiences. (Rogers, 1980, pp. 115–116)

Later we will return to the last point with its element of active, personal change. Rogers’s (1980) first four propositions underscore the point that a person’s behavior is always a response to his or her existing need to experience reality in a way that allows him or her to be comfortable with both the environment and his or her sense of fit in that reality. Second, Proposition 5 makes clear that when one’s environment is in some way personally threatening, it is natural to become defensive (consciously or otherwise) and thus rigidly responsive (tactically less effective) to the world around you. In other words, the self (emotions and all) is personally mobilized to maintain its perception of a safe environment, even if political/organizational concerns and tactical flexibility suffer as a consequence (Shriever, 2003).

To use a concrete example, it was neither accident nor political inconsistency that the food stamp organizer was tongue-tied in individual confrontation and yet skillful in group interaction. Her personal makeup, complete with its own history, emotions, and behaviors, made her better able to actualize her entire range of skills in one situation (the group) and less able in another (one-to-one). Without attempting psychoanalysis, we can see from Rogers’s (1980) formulation that, in the particular context of individual conflict, what was going on beneath the organizer’s awkwardness had served not a political but a personal purpose—engaged, individual conflict had been avoided effectively.

Strategically, if organizers can view one’s personality as being as potentially variable as any other tactic, they are freer to adapt their personal attributes to particular situations, letting others perform in those more difficult contexts or, if that’s not possible, building recognizable supports so that tactical problems are minimized.4 Rather than berating yourself for being a lousy organizer because you can’t do well in, for instance, social situations where important contacts are improved, a little tactical self-awareness frees you to more easily use other abilities in a more dynamic and personally liberating manner. You’re not so hot on social contacts? How about your colleague, who is as gregarious as he is disorganized on follow-up? Let him have the main tasks at the social function, and you can handle the later phone calls. By affirming your strengths and admitting to limits, you humbly begin to open yourself up to the tactical flexibility that great practice requires.

 

4I am convinced that a lack of personal awareness about one’s effectiveness in varying situations is a major reason why so many organizers burn out in their late 20s. Having denied or felt they had to deny personal discomfort with any number of tasks, they come to realize that the immediate payoffs in such work don’t seem worth all the personal strain and opt for an entirely different line of work.

 

Tactical Self-Awareness with the Task-Oriented Practitioner

The awareness of how personal effectiveness varies from situation to situation is important for all practitioners to consider, but perhaps even more so for organizers, for most tend to identify themselves as task-oriented rather than process-oriented personalities. Indeed, in brief surveys with about 100 student organizers and 30 practicing organizers, it was found that more than 70% consider themselves task oriented—the type of people who focus on the actual work, are disinterested in the procedures of how the work is done, worry mostly about outcomes, and devalue social interaction over goal achievement.5 This orientation thus tends to ignore an organizing project’s demands for a longer-term, more open-ended practice when it comes to group engagement, leadership development, and reflection on what’s working and not working. Being task oriented is helpful, of course, especially as a group gropes toward understanding what it can accomplish, needs to take risks on new ways of working, and has to meet deadlines.

 

5This is consistent with the previously mentioned DISC Profiles, especially Drivers and Calculators.

 

To look at the implications from Rogers’s (1980) work again, one can see that the more a person views reality as time limited and sharply focused in its demands, the more she or he will emphasize task-oriented, impersonal, concrete roles and actions. Furthermore, one can thus correctly screen out more personally intense, emotional concerns. (“Cut out all that talk-talk-talk!” Ellis cried. “We have work to do!”) To have a longer-term or more relational focus, with its heightened interpersonal complexity and variability in the process itself, would greatly increase the emphasis on intuitive, personalized situations. It is equally likely, of course, that the personal discomfort of the task-oriented practitioner would increase in such situations as well.

Task orientation, then, is not “the right way to organize”; it is simply the adaptive style of most organizers. As stated before, it is often helpful. However, organizers need to learn that one’s personal strength in some aspects of practice is not the same as an immutable law of how things must get done. The daily life of an organizer touches on innumerable events that demand a more subtle mix in one’s perspective. Indeed, most organizers go through enough tactical variation in a week to touch upon almost every type of strategic situation—individual discussions, group meetings, social events, and so forth. The following case example, analyzed in detail, helps explain what can happen to a task-oriented practitioner when he or she does not account for personal dynamics in certain organizing situations.

An organizer, working in a poor neighborhood of a large city, was having his first large meeting of concerned community members. They had gathered to discuss local problems, and the organizer, a solidly task-oriented person, was actively trying to find out the main problems people wanted action on. People had been discussing both personal and community issues, and the meeting was about an hour old. The following narrative took place:

Organizer: We’ve been talking about a number of things tonight, and we ought to start listing ones that people feel are the most important. Who’d like to start?
Mr. O.(immediately): Where the smell’s from . . . the sewers.
Organizer: Any other problems that ought to be discussed?
Mr. F: Well, what we need are some stop signs around here. We should have a stoplight on the corner so the kids don’t get hurt.
Organizer (looking around somewhat blindly): What would you call that? (There was silence, and finally someone said, “Safety.”)
(People in general were looking at the organizer somewhat strangely. After a brief pause, Mr. M. brought up the topic of the streetlights again. A wider, informal discussion then ensued in the group.)
Organizer(interrupting the informal discussion): Okay we’ve got recreation because somebody mentioned parks for the kids. Are there any other problems in the area worth looking into?
Mr. P.: Garbage collection.
Organizer: Let’s see now, we’ve got the garbage collection, and the sewers. Now what would you call that? (Again people looked at him oddly.)
Organizer(continuing): Could we call it sanitation? (There was no reply for a time and then some brief nodding.)
(The meeting broke up soon afterward with a small committee formed. It never functioned.)

The first and most obvious criticism one could make about the organizer’s performance was that his needless use of abstract categorization around concrete issues only confused people—his educated class bias was showing. There is only one problem with this criticism: The organizer almost never spoke like that anywhere else. Given his desire to be effective, his previously demonstrated talents, and his generally concrete approach to work, what happened?

The answer is simple. Working in a new group of predominantly poor people had not only excited him but also made him nervous with anticipation. That nervousness manifested itself not in hemming and hawing but in heightening the specific, categorical, and abstract clarity of each and every topic. Such obsessive categorization may have been dysfunctional tactically, but not personally.Its abstract unity was the evening’s closest approximation to satisfying the practitioner’s own personal need for some concrete,organized success.

His behavior had helped resolve the underlying nervousness he felt in the new and exciting situation; it may have been unnecessary, but his own personal fit with the amorphous context was better for the effort. As Rogers (1980) would say (in Proposition 5):

Any experience which is inconsistent with the organization or structure of self may be perceived as a threat, and the more of these perceptions there are, the more rigidly the self-structure is organized to maintain itself” (p. 218). Or, as the organizer later put it, “I grabbed at something to calm me down.”

Organizing Situations and their Dominant Personality Demands

It might be helpful here to look at the variety of situations in which organizers eventually find themselves. While the variations on each category are endless (the social, informal party may be used for fundraising when a valued financial contact unexpectedly appears, day-today routines may be upset by anything from a fire to a firing), the typology in Table 2.1 is based on interviews with experienced organizers regarding their most common situations, the kind that you inevitably will be called upon to respond to whether you like it or not. In general, they range from the informal and social (with an emphasis on interpersonal, process skills) to planning activities, with their greater demands for intellectual, task-oriented abilities. Each naturally carries certain types of personal difficulty to match its strengths.

Table 2.1 Organizing Situations and Their Dominant Personality Demands

High Process-Oriented (Personal) More Intuitive More Intellectual High Task-Oriented (Impersonal)
Informal Party New Meeting (Informal Group) Individual Day-to-Day Work Formal Gathering (Competing Reference Groups) Ongoing Planning Group Militant Demonstration
Most Common Personal Strength in Above Settings
Sociable, Cooperative, Talkative, Good-natured, Efficient A. Office Routine: Tidy, Persevering Ideological clarity, Formal Poise Technical, Analytical expertise Adventurous, Headstrong
B. Interpersonal Routine: Responsible, Personal, Verbally clear
Most Common Personal Difficulties in Above Settings
Avoidance of personal engagement Pushes group too fast, Overloads content A. Sloppy, Forgetful, Inefficient Role conflicts, Role strain Overfocused, Overidentification within group Fear of conflict, Overreaction to conflict (Heightened anger)
Awkwardness, Discomfort in nonintellectual tasks Overstates future outcomes B. Forgetful, Inefficient in conversation, Too much formality/informality

The dominant positive and negative characteristics in these organizing situations were selected by organizers in an informal survey over a two-year period. (Done yearly since then, the results have not varied in more than 30 years.) They are meant not to be exclusive but to serve as aids in helping organizers better examine their own personal effectiveness throughout the organizing situations in which they will find themselves.

In general, people identify themselves in either the more personal, intuitively demanding situations (informal parties, new meetings, interpersonal routines) like Kay or the more intellectually precise situations (office routines, formal meetings, ongoing group activity) like Ellis.6 This is consistent with industrial psychologists’ findings on other people’s problem-solving abilities, people being either task or process oriented. These situations are:

 

6Interestingly enough, people who fell into either primary category frequently felt comfortable in demonstrations. However, on closer examination, their particular comfort depended on the function they selected to perform at the big event. Process-oriented people enjoyed engaging others in protest, speaking, and so forth, while others enjoyed maintaining the demonstration’s safety and order (serving as marshals, being in charge of organizing speakers, etc.). The varied task and process functions of large-scale demonstrations seem to allow room for just about everybody …as long as they approve of the use of protest in the first place!

 

  • Informal gathering: Parties, social events, late-night bar conversations after a meeting; these events are common to community development, social action, and labor organizing strategies. People want to know with whom they are working, at least a little, and task-oriented, intellectually intense organizers like Ellis most frequently have difficulty here as they feel there’s nothing worth talking about, it wastes valuable time, and so forth. Others use this time quite profitably—and can have fun in the bargain!
  • New meeting of an open-ended group: Most common in community development strategies, but always part of any unfolding strategy or campaign, new meetings are a time when people explore common problems, present themselves to the group, check out who is in attendance, and generally talk a lot. They want to leave with some sense of purpose and not be either too overwhelmed at the tasks ahead or distrustful of the group’s approach. An intense, outcome-focused organizer can often push the group too fast or overwhelm them with detail; others, who are more process oriented, may forget to show any results from the meeting. But if you establish a modest goal beforehand and use helpful structural reminders to allow the group to cohere (have a coffee break, include notes to yourself on your copy of the agenda about relaxing), new meetings end up being less anxiety provoking than often expected.
  • Day-to-day office routine: No organized group does anything if it doesn’t maintain its operations. Everyone knows that. However, knowing that and becoming efficient are two very different things for organizers who prefer a little more personal contact or excitement every day. Others, like Jill, perform extremely well here, being valuable in their ability to pay the bills on time, keep prompt schedules, and so on. One common technique for those seeking to become more efficient is to ask their tidier friends for helpful hints. (This has been an area of great difficulty for me all my life. By taking some concrete hints from colleagues on how to use lists, how to build up an easy filing system, and so on, I’ve made some progress over the years. Some.)
  • Interpersonal routines: These are all the phone calls, brief chats, short lunches, and street raps that an organizer goes through in following up with individuals every day of the week. They call for some efficient skills in one’s office work but are intuitively demanding as well. Some organizers hate the phone or prefer political discussions to personal matters; they may end up being too brusque. Others, in their anxiety to please, may have a delightful conversation, only later realizing they forgot the reason they called in the first place. Either case demands you follow two simple rules: (a) remember why you contacted the person by writing it down somewhere (the act of writing increases retentiveness); (b) remember that people are human and allow for personal issues to be raised without viewing it as diversionary (if you have to, write that down, too!). The use of tactical self-awareness is important here, where the lack of formalized meetings or events minimizes the use of other, more structural supports.
  • Formal gathering (competing or conflicting reference groups): These are formal, occasional events in one’s work: cocktail parties before important conventions or conferences, obligatory organizational functions (forums, conferences), and coalitions. They most often involve social action and social planning strategies and create role strain because their surface functions and their underlying purposes may be either unclear or problematic. (Two competing groups may be equally attractive in meetings. How do you decide?) Those who are uncomfortable with such political ambiguity and/or uncertain how they and their organizations fit in with such situations have difficulty here. Only by being thoroughly prepared, especially about one’s own positions, can an organizer expect to be comfortable.
  • Ongoing planning group: Once an organization has established itself (especially in social planning and community development strategies), ongoing group meetings are necessary to coordinate work, share information, and analyze progress. Real intellectual analysis may matter here, where someone like Ellis can shine. What can develop, however, are common forms of goal displacement; one must stay attuned to other, less visible concerns or face the possibility of overspecialization and ignorance about newly developing organizational or community issues. Making certain that someone is responsible for maintaining and extending the group’s outreach work is an obvious structural solution, but individuals over time can also train themselves to be more intuitively responsive to new issues as they develop.
  • Militant demonstration: Used in community development, social action, and labor organizing strategies, militant actions can be exciting and effective galvanizers to even greater commitment and success. For those who shy away from conflict, they also can be frightening experiences. I have also seen people become too excited, using the emotionally charged event to ventilate an unrelated, deep anger. As such events are so public, it is important that organizers and their coworkers select their roles carefully, allowing more verbally confident and gregarious types to perform the publicly expressive roles while others handle the demonstration’s order and safety. This minimizes both personal difficulties and potentially embarrassing public miscues.

The Steps Toward Developing Tactical Self-Awareness

By identifying one’s personal comfort in the above organizing situations, the organizer can begin to structure ways to improve performance in areas of lesser effectiveness while maintaining strengths. The structure you develop should emphasize two operational principles:

  1. Be modest in your personal goals. Everyone knows you’re supposed to work with groups in a way that does not build false expectations, the type that either can never be met or are so grandiose that solid achievements appear worthless. And so it is with oneself. You haven’t efficiently organized the office’s routines over the last month? Instead of berating yourself over the failure, start organizing your appointment book for the next week. By being modest, you have a chance at success that can spur you on to even larger tasks. (If you like, think of this process as community development for one!)
  2. Actively use your personal strengths to work on areas of difficulty. No person is exclusively process or task oriented, and few situations are, either. You’re uncomfortable at parties? Why not tend bar or help serve food? This more focused task will fit your own personal makeup better and creates enough work to help you relax a bit. One can reverse the content if the difficult situation relates to task-oriented groups. By being both modest and aware of how to use your strengths in every situation, you can and will affect personal change.

An organizer can then begin using the organizing process in ways that help her or him lessen particular errors of the past. Increased effectiveness, rather than being viewed as art or just experience, is respected as a deepened ability to combine one’s intuitive and intellectual skills in ways that help differentiate the political and personal elements of the organizing process.

A brief example of this process would probably look like the following:

  • As a good organizer, you will make some tactical mistakes (and good organizers are always making mistakes) at some organizing event. (Choose your hardest one from Table 2.1.)
  • Recognizing your mistakes, you will go home and for the rest of the evening berate yourself for being such a colossal failure.
  • After a while, fatigue sets in and some of the self-hatred instilled by “great organizer” theories begins to wear off. The tactically self-aware practitioner can now use this slight distance from the situation to analyze what happened. Ask yourself the following questions:
    • Where and when was I effective?
    • When did people respond well, and when did I get results?
    • What was I doing, specifically, that seemed to excite or irritate people?
    • Was the problem in my implementation, or were there hidden agendas floating around?
  • As you explore these answers through both introspection and later talks with others, a sifting process occurs, one that allows you to recognize strategic mistakes, others’ hang-ups, and your own personal inflexibility.
  • Away from the context of the actual work, a tactically self-aware organizer begins to integrate new elements into her behavior, allowing herself to have a few structural supports in future situations so that overall tactical effectiveness is maintained.

Or, as Rogers (1980, pp. 67–68) put it in more theoretical language (Proposition 6):

Under certain conditions, involving primarily complete absence of any threat to the self-structure, experiences which are inconsistent with it may be perceived and examined and the structure of the self revised to assimilate and include such experiences.

Exercise: Building Tactical Self-AwarenessChoose an event that had success and struggles for you, too:

____________________________________________________________________________

____________________________________________________________________________

What worked well for you?

____________________________________________________________________________

____________________________________________________________________________

What did not go as well?

____________________________________________________________________________

____________________________________________________________________________

On reflection, which part of the problem related to your tactical inflexibility?

____________________________________________________________________________

____________________________________________________________________________

Is there a way you can use your tactical strengths as a support within this situation?

____________________________________________________________________________

____________________________________________________________________________

What other preplanning supports can you use with others in the future?

____________________________________________________________________________

____________________________________________________________________________

While Rogers (1980) was discussing therapeutic issues, the process related to tactical self-awareness isn’t really much different. Such introspection and reflective work may not be easy, but one’s willingness both to engage in personal introspection and to use tactical supports in personally challenging organizing situations can help move one, over time, from a mechanistic application of tactics to a more fluid use of self in any variety of strategic contexts. Thus, the next time a similar situation occurs, you free yourself from personally discomforting tasks by taking different assignments—or, if that’s not possible, giving yourself structural cues to ease the situation (notes on your agenda, etc.).

There always will be moments of greater and lesser success, of course, but the application of tactical self-awareness over time uses experience as a tool for ongoing learning and not as a static “artistic” place at which old organizers someday arrive by accident. This is why task-oriented organizers can grow to work well with individuals and highly process-oriented caseworkers can learn to handle large political groups. Neither type of individual has been born with certain irrevocable styles of how to work. Each practitioner is made, again and again, by both contextual and environmental demands and his or her willingness to engage personally in understanding further those demands as they change.

With experience, you can extend your use of this introspective tool beyond your own personal growth and increased tactical effectiveness. Looking at yourself means increasing your willingness to look at others, too, and helping judge their personal fit in different situations. Nancy Wehle’s recollection in The Other Side of Organizing (Burghardt, 1982) is still apt today. An organizer doing liaison work in the Bronx, she recalled the following example:

I dislike confrontation. I link it to my own background that emphasized the virtues of stoicism, since confrontation involves a show of emotion, anger. I end up being very uncomfortable, even though I know confrontation is needed, and end up putting off any display until it’s almost too late.

However, looking at the issue of confrontation from another perspective (otherwise known as turning a sow’s ear into a silk purse), I know there are people who feel the same way I do. I’ve been able to connect up to their hesitancy in challenging authority. An example occurred at a senior citizen center that was in jeopardy. Their funding was about to be terminated and they had gone the route of appeals and appointments and meetings. While talking to the director of the center, I suggested picketing and a demo at downtown City Hall, if all else failed. The director became hesitant and uptight. I knew what she was talking about when she said that wasn’t her style. I was able to be supportive, understanding my own discomfort in those situations. Instead, we talked about someone else taking main responsibility and she staying in the background. She agreed, and the protest march was organized successfully. (pp. 118–119)

A less experienced organizer in the same situation would probably have ended up straining relations with the director and potentially jeopardizing the strategic demands of the center. After all, the ABCs of organizing are clear regarding militancy: If all other means have been tried and have failed, of course you have a legitimate right to use it! As few politicians want to be seen openly disagreeing with a group of seniors, this joint use of militancy and rightful need might go far in saving the center.

In this case, Wehle saw through the prism of her own personal struggles around militancy to the director’s real issue—she didn’t oppose staging a protest as long as she didn’t have to be in it. This personal recognition of a politically necessary tactic had not always been immediately obvious. However, by being able to identify the director’s statements with her own discomfort with militancy, Wehle supportively helped the director to distinguish tactically between her own personal needs and those of the center. No arguments on the legitimacy of protest, the just needs of the seniors, or anything else would have worked as well. Indeed, as the director generally agreed with those arguments, any discussion of them would have distracted her from her personal difficulties. Wehle’s use of tactical self-awareness avoided such barriers. A sweet strategic irony had occurred—the one that underlies the effective use of tactical self-awareness in all situations: She had admitted to personal limits and allowed for political growth at the same time.

Conclusion

Community assessments serve multiple purposes for any social work agency or grassroots campaign. As such, they are a systematic undertaking with great tactical value in helping one learn the way in which a community perceives a problem, what the contours of the problem are, and how to begin addressing the issue. It is also the initial level of engagement by which a practitioner begins to build trust, demonstrate respect, and frame the role he or she will be playing in the long work ahead.

As an engagement skill, it also reveals a macro practitioner’s degree of comfort in approaching this work: sifting data as opposed to talking with community members, analyzing a report or facilitating a focus group. Developing your tactical self-awareness on the work’s mix of process and task functions can only strengthen how well that trust is built as well as how thorough and accurate your information gathered is.

It’s important to reiterate that tactical self-awareness is not a panacea that can correct for the political limits of a diminished resource base or lack of wide-scale progressive social movements. Its application, however, is designed for any period of history, not just ones of seeming passivity or intense activism. With this recognized, tactical self-awareness can have one final underlying benefit. Starting with community assessment, by understanding and working with the entire organizing process, you not only deepen the practice experience but also lessen the likelihood of unnecessary exhaustion. As we will see in Chapter 7, this self-reflective work helps prepare you to more effectively adapt to new roles, situational demands, and expectations as your career advances. Experience no longer burns you out over the years but instead makes you better able to deal with the shifting tides of all macro practice work. After all, in seeking to change the world, what can be wrong with changing ourselves along the way?

The Community Toolbox

The Community Toolbox Web site has a rich number of tools related to community assessments that a practitioner can take advantage of. See http://ctb.ku.edu/en/tablecontents/chapter_1003.htm.

Assessing Community Needs and Resources

  • Section 1. Developing a Plan for Identifying Local Needs and Resources
  • Section 2. Understanding and Describing the Community
  • Section 3. Conducting Public Forums and Listening Sessions
  • Section 4. Collecting Information About the Problem
  • Section 5. Analyzing Community Problems
  • Section 6. Conducting Focus Groups
  • Section 7. Conducting Needs Assessment Surveys
  • Section 8. Identifying Community Assets and Resources
  • Section 9. Developing Baseline Measures of Behavior
  • Section 10. Conducting Concerns Surveys
  • Section 11. Determining Service Utilization
  • Section 12. Conducting Interviews
  • Section 13. Conducting Surveys
  • Section 14. SWOT Analysis: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, and Threats
  • Section 15. Qualitative Methods to Assess Community Issues
  • Section 16. Geographic Information Systems: Tools for Community Mapping

References

Abramovitz, M. (1999). Regulating the lives of women: Social welfare policy from colonial times to the present. Cambridge, MA: South End Press.

Alinsky, S. (1989a). Reveille for radicals. New York, NY: Knopf Doubleday.

Alinsky, S. (1989b). Rules for radicals. New York, NY: Vintage.

Anton, A., Fisk, M., & Holmstrom, N. (2000). Not for sale: In defense of public goods. New York, NY: Westview.

Blau, J., & Abramovitz, M. (2007). The dynamics of social welfare policy. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

Burghardt, S. (1982). The other side of organizing. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman.

Cohen, B. (2002). Community food security assessment toolkit. Report prepared by IQ Solutions for the Economic Research Service Food Assistance and Nutrition Program. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University.

Fellin, P. (2000). The community and the social worker. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole.

Fisher, R., & Karger, H. (1996). Social work and community in a private world: Getting out in public. New York, NY: Addison-Wesley.

Freire, P. (2000). Pedagogy of the oppressed. New York, NY: Continuum.

Glasser, P., Sarri, R., Sundel, M., & Vinter, R. (1986). Individual change in small groups (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Free Press.

Jansson, B. (2008). The reluctant welfare state: Engaging history to advance social work practice in contemporary society (6th ed.). Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole.

Maguire, L. (2001). Clinical social work: Beyond generalist practice with individuals, groups, and families. New York, NY: Wadsworth.

Middleman, R., & Wood, G. (1989). The structural approach to direct practice in social work: A textbook for students and front-line practitioners. New York, NY: Columbia University Press.

National Association of Social Workers. (2009). President’s initiative: Institutional racism and the social work profession: A call to action. Washington, DC: Author.

National Urban League. (2009). The state of Black America 2009: Message to the president. New York, NY: Author.

Perlman, H. H. (1989). Looking back to look ahead. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

Putnam, R. (1994). Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American community. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster.

Reisch, M., & Andrews, J. (2002). The road not taken: A history of radical social work in the United States. New York, NY: Brunner-Routledge.

Rogers, C. (1980). A way of being. Boston, MA: Mariner Books.

Rothman, J. (2008). Strategies of community intervention. Peosta, IA: Eddie Bowers.

Saegert, S., & DeFillipis, J. (2007). The commuity development reader. New York, NY: Routledge.

Saleebey, D. (2008). Human behavior and social environments: A biopsychosocial approach. New York, NY: Columbia University Press.

Salmon, R., & Kurland, R. (1995). Group work practice in a troubled society. Binghanton, NY: Haworth.

Shlay, A. B., & Whitman, G. (2006). Research for democracy: Linking community organizing and research to leverage blight policy. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, San Francisco, CA. Available fromhttp://www.allacademic.com/

Shriever, J. (2003). Human behavior and the social environment: Shifting paradigms in essential knowledge for social work practice (3rd ed.). London, England: Allyn & Bacon.

Warren, R. (1987). The community in America. New York, NY: University Press of America.

Winters, L., & DeBose, H. (2002). New faces in changing America: Multiracial identity in the 21st century. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

 
Do you need a similar assignment done for you from scratch? Order now!
Use Discount Code "Newclient" for a 15% Discount!

Week 9 Hs240

Version:1.0 StartHTML:000000335 EndHTML:000002593 StartFragment:000001582 EndFragment:000002537 StartSelection:000001582 EndSelection:000002533 SourceURL:https://kaplan.brightspace.com/content/enforced/31986-042-1704B-HS210-01-2303998/Unit%209%20Assignment.html?d2lSessionVal=BH1EHXEI3Z5FI50uV03hjGh3s&ou=31986&d2l_body_type=3   Sample Content Topic Document addEventListener(‘DOMContentLoaded’, function() { D2LMathML.DesktopInit(‘https://s.brightspace.com/lib/mathjax/2.6.1/MathJax.js?config=MML_HTMLorMML’,’https://s.brightspace.com/lib/mathjax/2.6.1/MathJax.js?config=TeX-AMS-MML_HTMLorMML%2cSafe’); }); function lti_launch( vars ) { var query = ”; for (var key in vars) { if(query.length == 0) { query += ‘?’ + key + ‘=’ + encodeURIComponent(vars[key]); } else { query += ‘&’ + key + ‘=’ + encodeURIComponent(vars[key]); } } location.replace( ‘/d2l/customization/pearsonlti/31986/Launch’ + query ); }

Read the following scenario and write a 500-word essay in response to the questions at the end of the case scenario, reflecting on and referencing this week’s chapter readings. Be sure to follow APA formatting and include both a cover page and a reference page.
Case Scenario:
Katherine has two employees who have never seemed to get along. One of the employees has a history of being vindictive and manipulative, but never in an obvious enough way for Katherine to have sufficient proof to reprimand her in writing. One day, this employee comes to Katherine’s office to report that she saw the other employee, who has an exemplary record, taking drugs from the supply cabinet. Questions: How does Katherine react to this situation? What steps should Katherine take from here?
Requirements

 
Do you need a similar assignment done for you from scratch? Order now!
Use Discount Code "Newclient" for a 15% Discount!

Your Task Is To Compare Singapore And Australia In Terms Of Hofstede’s Cultural Dimensions, And Then Discuss How National Culture Influences French & Raven’s ‘Five Bases Of Power’.

Introduction (300 words)

 Explain the power and the importance of power in implementing change

 Explain the perspectives on power—is it good or bad? Why?

 Provide a summary of what you will be covering in your assignment Body (a) Hofstede model (300 words)

 Explain the purpose and use of the model

 Explain the six components of the model (DO NOT need to go into detail comparing each element of the Hofstede typology. This will be done later when you apply the model to change management. (b) Sources of power (300 words)

 Explain each of the five sources of power (Coercive, Legitimate, Expert, Referent and Reward power) and how each will lead to Compliance, Commitment and/or Resistance (c) Applying the Hofstede model to change management (800 words)

 Explain how each component will affect the way change and resistance can be managed

 You will need to explain more on how each element will affect the sources of power used that can lead to effective implementation of change. Give examples. REMEMBER : The above will need to be written in more detail. Don’t spend too much time on (a) and (b) Conclusion (300 words)

 Summarize your arguments.

 Make recommendations on how change can be better implemented in Singapore. Basically summarizing what are the important considerations that need to be made, given the difference in cultures.

 
Do you need a similar assignment done for you from scratch? Order now!
Use Discount Code "Newclient" for a 15% Discount!

BHR 3352 Unit 1 Assignment

Unit I Assignment

 

HR Mission Statement

 

By now, from your textbook readings and lesson, you should have a firm grasp on the different types of human resource values and strategies that are commonplace in the workforce. From this information (this is a two-part assignment):

 

Part One:

 

A. Create and briefly describe a fictional large company of your choice. This is your company and it should preferably be in your current or desired future industry. This company and the HR mission statement you create will be used as a foundation for future assignments in this course.

 

B. Compare and contrast the three Sample Mission Statements below. Evaluate them for overall effectiveness addressing what is strong, weak, effective, or ineffective and state your reasons.

 

Sample 1: Human Resources Mission Statement

 

Our mission is to treat each person as a valued customer while contributing positively to the bottom line of [Company Name] through comprehensive programming that displays a thorough understanding of all aspects of the human resources profession, including proactive involvement in areas of legal compliance and service that displays an enthusiastic interest in the lives of others.  We will continually develop our own repertoire of skills and maintain a balance between our personal and professional lives.

 

Sample 2: Human Resources Mission Statement

 

The mission of [Company Name] is dedication to the highest quality of customer service delivered with a sense of warmth, friendliness, individual pride, and company spirit. To Our Employees We are committed to provide our employees a stable work environment with equal opportunity for learning and personal growth. Creativity and innovation are encouraged for BHR 3352, Human Resource Management 3 improving the effectiveness of [the company]. Above all, employees will be provided the same concern, respect, and caring attitude within the organization that they are expected to share externally with every [company] customer.

 

Sample 3: Human Resources Mission Statement

 

It is the mission of the human resources department to provide the following quality services to the employees of [Company Name]:

 

 recruitment of qualified individuals;   retention of valuable employees;   training, development, and education to promote individual success and increase overall value to the organization;   a safe and healthful working environment;   inspiration and encouragement for a high level of employee morale through recognition, effective communication, and constant feedback; and  resources for administering benefits, policies, and procedures.

 

These services are achieved through a teamwork philosophy that is inspired through effective organizational skills,  proactive efforts, and maintaining a balance between professionalism and the ability to have fun!

 

 

Part Two:

 

Use your analysis to write your own HR mission statement for your fictional company. Consider the following questions when evaluating and formulating your mission statement. Keep in mind that good mission statements are short, clear, concise, & brief hard-hitting comments on your mission.

 

 Why does your HR function exist? What do you want for your customers and how can HR provide that?

 

 Who are your customers and what can you do for them that will enrich their lives and contribute to their success, both present and future?

 

 What image of your function do you want to convey internally and externally? Customers, employees and the public will all have perceptions of your company. How will HR help create the desired picture?

 

 What level of service do you provide to employees and the company? Don’t be vague; define what will make your service extraordinary.

 

 What kind of relationships will your HR function maintain with customers? Every company function is in partnership with its customers. When you succeed, so do they.

 

 What underlying philosophies or values guided your responses to the previous questions? Some mission statements choose to list these separately (as core values or vision). Writing them down clarifies the “why” behind your mission.

 

 Does your HR function’s mission statement describe and support what your company will do and why it will do it (the company’s core values)?

 

There is a minimum requirement of 500 words for this assignment. The paper must be in APA format (see pages 13–15 in the CSU Citation Guide). Any sources used, including the textbook, must be referenced; paraphrased and quoted material must have accompanying citations in APA format.

 
Do you need a similar assignment done for you from scratch? Order now!
Use Discount Code "Newclient" for a 15% Discount!