Human Resources Management

Chapter Ten

Nonwage Issues in Bargaining

Wage and nonwage issues are not completely separable. Both have economic consequences for the employer. For example, provisions relating to hours of work frequently specify when overtime premiums begin. This chapter considers issues associated with hours and terms and conditions of employment and then examines the effects of unions on nonwage outcomes for employees and employers.

Nonwage issues are important to both union members and employers. For employers, the length of the contract, the design of work, and the scope of management rights clauses are important. For union members, job security provisions (particularly those related to promotions and layoffs), grievance procedures, and work schedules are important. To secure its representation rights, the union would like employees to be required to join the union. How promotions and layoffs are handled influences outcomes that are important to each party.

As you study this chapter, consider the following questions:

1. What effects do federal regulations and contract provisions have on management decision making as it relates to scheduling work?

2. How do discipline and discharge procedures operate, and what procedures are available for employees to redress improper discipline by management?

3. How do job classification and job design affect the employment relationship?

4. What effect do seniority clauses have on employee behavior?

5. What impact does collective bargaining appear to have on the job satisfaction of represented employees?

Page 295NONWAGE PROVISIONS OF CURRENT CONTRACTS

Certain types of nonwage contract clauses appear in a relatively large proportion of collective bargaining agreements. Table 10.1 displays nonwage subjects that are often included in collective bargaining agreements.

TABLE 10.1 Basic Nonwage Clauses in Contracts, 1995

Source: Compiled from Collective Bargaining Negotiation and Contracts (Washington, DC: Bureau of National Affairs, 1995).

 

Page 296

UNION AND MANAGEMENT GOALS FOR NONWAGE ISSUES

Chapter 9 suggested that unions are concerned with equity, ability to pay, and standards of living in formulating wage demands and have simultaneous economic and job security goals. Employers are expected to resist demands that create uncertainty about their likely future costs or that interfere with their ability to be flexible or to respond to changes in their operating environment through the introduction of new production technologies.

Unions want to maintain the representational role they won during organizing. This means that they will want newly created jobs placed within the union’s jurisdiction. They also want to emphasize job security and the use of seniority as the primary criterion for determining entitlements to promotions and avoiding layoffs.

DESIGN OF WORK

Work design involves determining what tasks, duties, and responsibilities (TDRs) are bundled together and assigned to a particular employee. Usually, several employees will have virtually similar TDRs assigned to Page 297them—in other words, they are assigned to positions in the same job. Jobs can be characterized as narrow or broad. Narrow jobs have a relatively small number of duties assigned to them, broad jobs a relatively large number. Jobs can also be defined in terms of their depth. Relatively deep jobs require sophisticated skills, while the skills for shallow jobs are relatively simple to acquire and use. The design of work is very important to both employers and unions and has evolved substantially over time.

Work Design History

Prior to the industrial revolution, virtually all products were produced by a single individual. This meant that production was highly labor-intensive and that any complex product required very high skills. The industrial revolution introduced machinery into the production process. Products could be produced at a lower price, and as a result, demand increased. As the amount of goods sold increased, job specialization was implemented and skill requirements dropped quickly.

Taylorism

Near the beginning of the 20th century, interest in efficiency increased. Industrial engineering was in its infancy. Frederick Taylor introduced “scientific management” to design work in the most efficient way possible given the capital equipment in use. Efficiency was promoted by narrowing jobs and concentrating on how to make repetitive operations more automatic and less fatiguing. Little or no attention was paid to psychological reactions to work design, and except for training on how to be more efficient in the current job, little was included on how to develop employees for higher-level jobs. The work design also included a hierarchical organizational and supervisory structure in which rank-and-file workers had no say in the workplace.

Fordism

Henry Ford’s work design transformed the automobile industry in the early decades of the 20th century. His production technology enabled the mass production of complex products. Major innovations included the development of close manufacturing tolerances, which allowed interchangeable parts, and the introduction of the assembly line, which required that employees perform relatively few steps in the production process. The latter innovation substantially deskilled jobs in automobile (and other) manufacturing. As a result, Ford, and others who imitated this technology, could focus primarily on hiring for motivation rather than ability, since few skills were required to perform the work.

Ford introduced a darker aspect to the Tayloristic assembly-line approach—an internal security force to monitor employee effort and to quickly identify pockets of malcontents in the workforce. As the decades Page 298went by, this security force increased in size and used particularly brutal tactics to deter unionization.1

The Drive System

The drive system developed concurrently with Taylorism and Fordism. Under the drive system, the production floor was controlled by foremen (supervisors). Foremen had unlimited authority to govern the workplace. They decided who was hired, who was fired, how employees were to be paid, and how the work was to be done. Employees had no voice and depended on their relationship with their foreman for their continued livelihood.

The work design aspects of Taylorism, combined with the internal security force of Fordism and the monarchic influence of the foreman under the drive system, ultimately intensified the interests of unskilled workers in unionization.

The Corporatist Environment

Following World War II, a 30-year corporatist environment developed. For most large organizations, this meant that the design of work was collectively bargained. Specific jobs were established, and promotion structures were defined. Most large firms employed work designs that required firm-specific skills. These skills led to enhanced production quality and/or efficiency. Jobs were relatively narrow, but employee experience enhanced productivity. Employees could look forward to jobs with lower physical requirements, as they were able to bid into them with increasing seniority. Wage rates were associated with specific jobs so that if a person was temporarily transferred to a job with higher levels of responsibilities, the wage rate would change for as long as the person was in that job. Supervisory control was substantially checked by the union compared to the drive system, but rank-and-file employees had little or no responsibility for workplace decision making. This design worked quite well during a period of relative price stability and little global competition.

Workplace Transformation

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, a transformation in American workplaces began that continues to the present.2 Changes included removing several layers of management, thereby increasing the importance of production worker decision-making skills, increasing attention to quality, reducing the amount of material and in-process inventory to free up working Page 299capital, creating teams of broadly skilled workers that would be able to adapt quickly to changing product volume and mix, and reducing staffing levels to enhance efficiency.

With this transformation, unions faced demands for radical work design and work rule changes. Unions generally resisted these changes without increases in job security guarantees. Successful changes often required reorienting the labor-management relationship toward a more cooperative approach (detailed in Chapter 13) and incorporating productivity-based gainsharing programs (as described in Chapter 9).

Manufacturing employers have been particularly interested in reducing the number of distinct job classifications in both production and maintenance to gain flexibility in staffing and avoid idle time during maintenance operations due to narrow job jurisdictions. Broader capability requirements in broader job classifications reduce the need for supervision. Managers believe unions’ resistance to change will be higher where technological change requires negotiation.3 Unions, however, will generally accept technological change as long as bread-and-butter issues are protected.4 Auto industry evidence indicates a reduction in job classifications is associated with a reduction in the supervision required, small improvements in the quality of output, and a small increase in total labor hours required for an equivalent level of output.5

Taken together, these changes in organizational and work design are components of so-called high-performance work organizations (HPWO). Firms that implement HPWOs have higher productivity and financial performance and higher wage levels.6 Companies that had introduced HPWOs by 1992 had more layoffs by 1997 than those without HPWOs. Unions reduced the incidence of layoffs; however, a variety of innovations such as teams, quality circles, and total quality management were all associated with increased layoffs. The layoffs that occurred tended to be selective because total employment continued to grow. Fewer contingent workers were used, and flatter organizational structures had been implemented.7 Where teamwork has been implemented, the role of supervisors Page 300changes to training and facilitation while workers gain substantial discretion and control over their work. Their satisfaction increases and their jobs become more secure, while supervisors experience the opposite.8

In return for job security guarantees, employers negotiated team-oriented production designs, where workers are responsible for several tasks and can be assigned to a variety of jobs. “Cell-manufacturing” techniques require substantially more knowledge and skill in tracking inventories, measuring quality, and determining how production activities will be undertaken. This approach requires that employees have higher skill levels, thereby potentially decreasing their interest in unionization as the lines between professional and production employees are blurred.9 At the same time, unionized blue-collar employees have an increased likelihood of receiving off-the-job training.10

When new technology is introduced, union-represented jobs are more likely to be deskilled if management is successful in designating the jobs that are to be outside the bargaining unit. Contractual seniority requirements may entitle jobs to employees who are not the most able to fully operate new equipment. Management is particularly unwilling to include jobs requiring programming within the bargaining unit when new technology is installed.11 In telecommunications, the reclassification of positions from bargaining unit to either professional or managerial categories has reduced the proportion of the workforce that is unionizable from about 75 percent to 40 percent. Slightly less than 30 percent of the workforce is currently organized.12

Some work rule changes try to increase efficiency by using equipment more fully than it had been (as in the case of Teamster drivers previously hauling less-than-full loads).13 Other work rule changes increase flexibility through greater skills and management’s ability to assign employees to an increasingly wide variety of tasks. However, unionized employers are generally less able to use flexible staffing arrangements (part-time and temporary workers), but their ability to subcontract is generally not affected. In turn, the ability to subcontract has a generally positive effect on core bargaining-unit workers’ wages. Job flexibility contributes to job security Page 301and enables the employer to specialize in markets for new products.14 Labor flexibility is greater in companies without unions, but flexibility in the use of other inputs is higher in unionized firms.15

Exhibit 10.1

JOB TARGETING IN THE CONSTRUCTION INDUSTRY

Some [building trades] unions have used a controversial tactic known as job targeting. Under this approach, the union gives a contractor a rebate covering part or all of the difference between union and open-shop rates so the contractor can land a particular project that otherwise would have gone to the open shop. This approach has proven popular in some locals because all members pay into the fund, thereby spreading the cost of the concession beyond those working at a particular job site.

Source: S. G. Allen, “Developments in Collective Bargaining in Construction in the 1980s and 1990s,” in P. B. Voos, ed., Contemporary Collective Bargaining in the Private Sector (Madison, WI: Industrial Relations Research Association, 1994), p. 438.

Work rules reserving certain responsibilities to certain jobs reduce efficiency, but they may preserve employment levels. One study of the construction industry found that restrictive work rules increase labor costs by about 5 percent. However, building trade unions appear willing to give up 5 percent in wages to increase staffing levels by 3 percent.16 In construction it’s important to note that the union supplies labor in the unionized sector since employees are referred from the union hiring hall. Thus, it’s to the median voter’s interest to concede wages to get more employment since most work is for a relatively short period with a single contractor, followed by a return to the union for the next referral. Exhibit 10.1 covers some of these issues.

(FOSSUM 300-301)

HOURS OF WORK

Setting hours of work is a mandatory bargaining issue and is regulated by federal and state wage and hour laws. Union campaigns for shorter work hours have been a priority since the early 1800s, with the National Labor Union proposing an eight-hour day after the Civil War. The federal Page 302government regulated work hours for civil servants during President Van Buren’s administration and imposed overtime penalties for private-sector employers beginning in the 1930s.

Federal Wage and Hour Laws

In 1937, the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) was enacted to regulate wages, hours, and working conditions of private sector employers involved in interstate commerce. Briefly, the legislation requires that employees who are not in supervisory roles, outside sales positions, or jobs requiring independent discretion using complex knowledge must be paid a 50 percent premium over their regular pay rates for more than 40 hours per week. This premium requirement covers all employees whose work is of a routine nature or requires close supervision and direction. Employees who are entitled to an overtime premium are often referred to as nonexempt employees, while those who are not entitled are called exempt employees. The legislation also established a minimum wage and prohibits persons under age 16 or 18 from working in specific occupations or industries.

Congress had previously enacted the Davis-Bacon and Walsh-Healy acts, which required overtime premiums after 40 hours per week for employees in the same types of jobs as are covered by the FLSA and payment of wages equal to those paid in the local area or industry for the jobs to which they were assigned if employees were doing government contract construction work or producing manufactured goods for the federal government. These laws, enacted during the Depression, were intended to stimulate expanded employment and take wages out of competition for federal government work. Employers would save by hiring more employees rather than by having existing employees work overtime.

In 2004, the Department of Labor issued new administrative rules increasing the amounts that employees must earn to be exempt from overtime, regardless of job characteristics, and relaxed the regulations regarding what types of training and job activities would lead to an employee being classified as exempt. No jobs requiring supervision or primarily manual work changed classifications, but some nursing jobs requiring that position holders supervise teams did become exempt. As before, any job that was paid on an hourly basis, regardless of job duties, continued to qualify for overtime (be classified as nonexempt).

Collective Bargaining and Work Schedules

Unions have continually favored reducing the workweek and workday. A 40-hour week is typical in most contracts, and employers strongly resist further reductions. Unionized workers work fewer hours than nonunion workers in more heavily unionized sectors of the economy, but full-time schedules are more likely in unionized sectors,17 although Page 303mandatory overtime in some unionized sectors, particularly in the auto and telecommunications industries, has been the subject of intense negotiations and strikes. Exhibit 10.2 is an example of the Communications Workers’ position in the 2000 Verizon strike in which it won restrictions on mandatory overtime.

Exhibit 10.2

WHY WE MAY GO ON STRIKE AGAINST BELL ATLANTIC (VERIZON) BECAUSE STRESS AND OVERTIME ARE MAKING US SICK

There are not enough employees to meet the exploding demand for Bell Atlantic’s new services. For you, that means long waits for installations, changes, repairs, or questions about your bill.

For workers, it means forced overtime, even when we have kids to pick up from day care or other obligations. It means work speed-ups, unfair discipline, and lousy training. It means we can’t give you the good service we’d like to because we’re pressured to move too quickly from one customer to the next. And as Bell Atlantic turns up the stress and pressure, the chance for errors goes up as well.

Source: Communications Workers of America Web site content available during August 2000.

Entitlements to and Restrictions on Overtime

Contracts usually specify rules for assigning overtime. Overtime is often rotated among workers based on seniority, balancing hours in the work group before returning to the senior worker to begin a new cycle. Some contracts allow employees to refuse more than a specified number of overtime hours per week. Employees who have not met this threshold would be subject to discipline for refusing to work scheduled overtime.

Shift Assignments and Differentials

In firms where continuous-flow operations are most efficient (such as chemical manufacturers and refiners) or where product demand levels and heavy plant investment justify multishift operations, contracts specify work schedule assignment rules. Seniority generally governs entitlement to shift preference among employees with similar types of skills. Shifts may also rotate. For example, an intact shift might work from midnight to 8 a.m. for four weeks, rotate to the 8 a.m. to 4 p.m. shift for four weeks, and then rotate to the 4 p.m. to midnight shift for four weeks.

Alternative Work Schedules

A variety of alternative work schedules have been designed to meet employee’s desires and employer requirements. Most have been implemented Page 304in nonunion organizations, and most have expanded daily work hours and shortened the number of days in the workweek.18

Unions often oppose long-workday schedules because they have stressed fatigue, safety, and long-term health impacts in arguing for shorter days. But worker satisfaction improves and fatigue does not appear to be a problem even in strenuous occupations.19 Where employees want to work fewer days and off-job demands in a given day are not great, compressed workweeks may benefit both employers and employees. The union must be aware of member preferences. In one case, a union opposing compressed work schedules was threatened with decertification if it did not go along with the schedule change.20

Paid Time Off

Paid time off includes holidays, vacations, and defined leave periods. Paid time off is relatively straightforward, although management may restrict entitlements or use. For example, employees must normally work the days before and after a holiday to receive holiday pay. Employers may also restrict vacation schedules. If operations are highly integrated and insufficient numbers of employees are available to continue in the absence of vacationing workers, management usually sets aside a period for vacations and shuts down. Other organizations may require that vacations be taken during slack periods. Flextime is becoming more important to many employees and can be expected to increase in importance in future negotiations.

LENGTH OF CONTRACTS

Most contracts exceed one year in length, with most being three or four years. Some provide for wage reopeners during the agreement, especially when COLAs are not included. Employers try to avoid one-year contracts because they believe short contracts lead to more strikes and contract administration problems, lower employee morale, and higher and more unpredictable labor costs.21 Longer-term contracts are more difficult to negotiate, especially if economic environments are changing. Renegotiating long-term contracts was found to be harder when global competition is great; where capacity utilization, the firm’s product prices, and the Page 305number of vacant positions substantially vary during the contract period; where buyer or seller concentration in the industry is high among larger employers; and during periods of high inflation.22 Contract durations have increased independently of many of these factors to provide greater certainty for both labor and management.23 Most contracts have automatic renewal provisions if not renegotiated. Recall that contracts covered by the Railway Labor Act do not have expiration dates but rather have dates at which they are amendable. Negotiations begin at that point rather than needing to be concluded by that date.

UNION AND MANAGEMENT RIGHTS

Contracts specify the union’s representation rights. Most relate to the number of union stewards or representatives permitted within the bargaining unit, their rights to access employees in various plant areas, the amount of time off available for union representation activities and who is responsible for compensating this time, office space, access to bulletin boards, and access of nonemployee union officials to the workplace.

In most contracts management reserves the right to act in areas not constrained by the agreement. Typical reserved rights include the right to subcontract work that could be performed by the bargaining unit,24 to assign bargaining-unit work to supervisors in emergencies or to train new employees, to introduce technological changes to improve efficiency, and to determine criteria for plant shutdowns or relocations.25 When management does not reserve these rights, the union is entitled to bargain during the course of the contract if changes involving job security occur. For example, if a plant closure would result in layoffs, the absence of a clause leaving this determination to management requires bargaining on its effects if the union requests it.

Page 306Outsourcing some part of an operation to another employer increasingly concerns unions since it threatens job security and leads to pressure for concessions, particularly if the new source is a lower-wage nonunion operation. Unions are also concerned with an employer’s selling or spinning off part of its operations to another company or establishing a new firm. In these instances, the new owner or firm is often more able to reduce wages and/or employment.

Management rights clauses specify rights to direct the workforce, establish production levels, and frame appropriate company rules and policies. Establishing rules and procedures and directing the workforce form a base for clauses relating to discipline and discharge.

DISCIPLINE AND DISCHARGE

Most contracts specify that employees can be discharged or disciplined for just cause. Some reasons are spelled out in the contract, and others relate to violations of rules the employer may promulgate under power retained in a management rights clause.

Specific grounds in discipline and discharge clauses most often cover intoxication, dishonesty or theft, incompetence or failure to meet work standards, insubordination, unauthorized absence, misconduct, failure to obey safety rules, violations of leave provisions, or general violations of company rules.26 Committing a violation does not necessarily mean an offender will be automatically discharged but rather means that he or she will be subject to discipline. However, an employer must be consistent in the way discipline is imposed to successfully defend its disciplinary actions against grievances.

Discipline and discharge clauses also spell out the due process procedures necessary before discipline can be imposed. Renegotiation of a long-term contract frequently requires that disciplinary action records from before a certain point be removed from employees’ files.

Employees are expected to follow the directions of their supervisors and to carry out their job duties. There may be situations in which employees believe that an assignment is not within the duties of their jobs or that an assignment is unsafe. An employee runs a risk of being disciplined for insubordination for failing to carry out a job direction. Employers, however, must be careful to avoid disciplining a group of employees who protest a supervisory direction because this would likely be determined to be “protected concerted activity.” Discipline might constitute an unfair labor practice.

GRIEVANCE AND ARBITRATION

Grievance procedures are a high-priority bargaining issue for unions because they allow employees to object to unilateral management action during the term of the agreement. For example, assume an employee believes a supervisor unjustly suspended him or her for a work rule violation. Without a grievance procedure, no review of the supervisor’s action would be possible. Grievance procedures are also useful to management because the aggrieved employee is expected to use this forum when an alleged violation occurs, rather than refusing a work assignment or walking off the job.

Grievance procedures usually specify who receives a grievance, the right of employees to representation at various steps in the process, the path a grievance follows if it cannot be resolved by the parties when it is filed, and the time limits at each step before some action is required. Chapter 14 will discuss grievance procedures in considerable detail.

Most contracts specify that when parties cannot agree on the disposition of a grievance, a neutral third party will arbitrate the dispute and render a decision binding on both parties. The contract specifies how an arbitrator is selected, how arbitrators are paid, the powers of the arbitrator, and the length of time an arbitrator has to render a decision. Arbitration of contract interpretation disputes will be covered in Chapter 15.

High grievance rates are associated with decreased productivity. While low morale might be a hypothesized cause, productivity decreases also occur because employees and supervisors are involved in grievance processing rather than production.27 Where production rates and methods change, grievance rates might be influenced. For example, in a long-term study of an aircraft manufacturer, the level of planned production and an increase in the variety of production methods to be used, which would cause frequent job classification changes, were both associated with higher grievance rates.28 Thus, grievance rates may reduce productivity and follow from higher productivity requirements.

STRIKES AND LOCKOUTS

Pledges by unions and managements to avoid strikes and lockouts while the agreement is in force appear in most contracts. Managements frequently demand a no-strike agreement in return for arbitrating unresolved grievances. Unions usually do not give up the right to strike during the Page 308contract if management refuses to comply with an arbitration award. Some work stoppages are permitted by contracts, including refusing to cross picket lines of other unions striking the same employer and performing struck work. Some contracts reserve the right to strike over work rule changes during the contract’s duration.

Many contracts require that if unauthorized work stoppages (wildcat strikes) occur, the union will disavow the strike and urge employees to return to work. If employees continue a wildcat strike, many contracts specifically permit these employees to be discharged.

UNION SECURITY

Because the union is the exclusive representative of employees in the bargaining unit, the union would like employees to be required to join and pay dues for the representational services the union renders on their behalf. Different levels of union security may be negotiated. Except in states with right-to-work laws, contracts may contain agency or union-shop clauses. The following are definitions of various forms of union security:

1. Closed shop requires that employers hire only union members. Although this requirement is illegal, a contract clause can require that the employer offer the union an opportunity to fill vacant assignments. These arrangements occur most frequently in the construction, entertainment, and maritime industries, where many employers are relatively small and have relatively short-term demands for certain occupations.

2. Union shop requires that any bargaining-unit employee employed with the firm for a specific time (not less than 30 days, or 7 days in construction) must become a union member (to the extent of paying dues) as a condition of continued employment.

3. Modified union shop requires that any bargaining-unit employee who was hired after a date specified in the agreement must become a union member within a specific time as a condition of continued employment.

4. Agency shop requires that any bargaining-unit employee who is not a union member must pay a service fee to the union for its representation activities.

5. Maintenance of membership requires that any bargaining-unit employee who becomes a union member must remain one as a condition of continued employment as long as the contract remains in effect (but members can legally resign and retain employment).29

Page 309Contracts often include a dues checkoff in which employers deduct union dues from members’ pay and forward the amount directly to the union. The process generally benefits all parties. First, it avoids workplace disruptions involved in collection. Second, it insulates employees from union disciplinary action for nonpayment of dues. Third, it ensures a smooth cash flow for the local union’s financial operations.

Unions usually bargain for the highest form of union security attainable, but some might argue that a union or agency shop is not in the individual member’s best interest. If union membership were not compulsory, those who joined or remained members would make sure that the union accomplished important ends efficiently. State right-to-work laws enable a preliminary test of whether union membership is influenced by the efficiency of the local union, because individuals can choose whether to join. One study found that the costs of a local’s operation were lower in right-to-work states but that no differences in dues levels, provision of benefits or services, compensation of union officers, or profitability of investments existed.30 Right-to-work laws increase free riding (union representation without paying dues) by about 8 percent. Of the employees who freeride, about 30 percent appear to do so because union membership cannot be required, while the other 70 percent would not work in an establishment where union membership was compulsory.31 Right-to-work laws have a significantly negative effect on union density in the private sector.32 Some evidence shows that the proportion of union members in the bargaining unit influences the union’s bargaining power because wage levels increase with higher membership.33

WORKING CONDITIONS AND SAFETY

Working conditions and safety clauses deal with the provision of safety equipment, the right to refuse hazardous work, and the creation of management-union safety committees. Many health and safety collective bargaining concerns have been superseded by the Occupational Safety and Health Act (OSHA). Unions may negotiate higher standards than what the act requires.34 Unions have an additional effect beyond OSHA, Page 310however. In construction, unionized worksites are visited by OSHA inspectors more often, maintain a higher level of safety, and have higher penalties for violations.35 A British study found that safety committees appointed by the union rather than management were more effective in reducing accidents.36

In one health and safety study, petrochemical workers perceived greater risk from, and worried more about exposure to, dangerous carcinogens if they were union members or contract workers and had low job control. Regarding concerns about explosions, risk perceptions were related to job demands and being a contract worker, but not a union worker. Contract workers felt their union had less influence on workplace safety than core employees did for their union.37

Employers have also taken initiatives in the health and safety area with programs aimed at detecting and reducing substance abuse. Many employers have adopted prehire drug screening programs, over which unions have no control because applicants do not have representation rights. Unions and employers may potentially clash about bargaining over and administration of periodic or random drug tests, with unions arguing the tests constitute an invasion of privacy and may not be supported by just cause, while employers argue they are entitled to control the operation of the workplace and need to operate as safely as possible.38

SENIORITY AND JOB SECURITY

Seniority issues cut across several of the economic and noneconomic bargaining issues. Seniority may entitle employees to higher pay levels or to overtime, preferences on vacation periods, lengths of vacations, eligibility for promotions and transfers, and insulation against layoffs. Seniority provisions have been shown to positively influence the pay level of blue-collar workers represented by unions.39

A distinction must be made between benefit-and competitive-status seniorities. Benefit-status seniority is related to entitlement to organizationwide or bargaining-unit-wide benefits established in the contract. Page 311For example, if the contract specifies that vacation length depends on seniority, then the date of hire (as adjusted by any layoffs or leaves) establishes a benefit status. Most contracts base benefit entitlements on an employee’s total length of employment since being hired.

Competitive-status seniority relates to entitlement to bid on promotions and transfers and to avoid layoffs. Benefit-and competitive-status seniorities occasionally overlap, but competitive-status seniority is usually accumulated within a job or department. Assume that an employee with five years’ total service who currently works in an assembly job bids on an inspection job. Competitive-status seniority among the inspectors would begin as of the date of the job change. If a subsequent layoff occurred in which employees with four or fewer years of service on the job were furloughed, this inspector would be laid off. The inspector’s benefit-status seniority would be five years, but his or her competitive-status seniority would begin only from the date that he or she obtained the inspector job. Competitive-status seniority is more likely to be companywide than departmentwide when the employer is small and capital-intensive, there is a single-employer bargaining unit, and the production technology requires that the employer provide substantial training.40

Layoff Procedures

Layoffs are usually in inverse order of seniority, protecting the most senior worker for the longest period. Many contracts specify layoffs on the basis of departmental seniority; some permit bumping, whereby a senior employee is entitled to displace a junior employee in another department or job as long as the senior employee is qualified for it. In almost 60 percent of the contracts surveyed in a recent sample, seniority was the sole provision for determining layoff or job retention rights during cutbacks.41 In another 30 percent of the contracts, seniority was the determining factor if the individual was qualified for the remaining jobs.

Promotions and Transfers

The Collective Bargaining and Negotiating Contracts survey found that seniority is less frequently a criterion for promotions and transfers than for layoffs. In about half of contracts, seniority is the sole or determining factor for promotions if qualifications are essentially equal. For transfers, seniority is also a sole or determining factor in half of the contracts.42

Depending on the contract, seniority for someone promoted out of the bargaining unit (e.g., to first-line supervision) may continue to be accumulated, frozen, or lost after time. Employers usually desire clausesPage 312protecting accumulated seniority for supervisors because rank-and-file employees may be more willing to vie for promotions where risks of job loss are less if they fail or if employment is later reduced.

Time Away from Work

Contracts usually provide for holidays, vacations, rest periods, and leaves. Each year the average unionized employee enjoys one more paid holiday than the national average.

Contracts also include provisions related to paid breaks, lunches, changing and cleanup, and other periods in which no production work occurs but employees are compensated.

Most vacation clauses link entitlement to length of service, with some contracts allowing five weeks or more, usually after 20 or more years of service. Employers experience higher vacation costs for senior employees because of both the greater time away from work and the higher pay that senior employees are likely to be earning.

A variety of situations in which paid or unpaid leave will be granted are also included. Paid leaves often include time for funerals of close relatives, sick leave, and jury duty. Unpaid leaves are available for civic responsibilities (such as elected office), union work (such as local president), and family leave (over and above that required by law).

No Discrimination

Virtually all contracts have a no-discrimination pledge. This enables employees who allege discrimination to have their complaints heard quickly under the terms of the grievance clause without giving up rights to later pursue claims under civil rights law provisions.

EFFECTS OF UNIONS ON NONWAGE OUTCOMES

Unions influence nonwage outcomes for both employers and employees, predominantly in hiring, promotions, transfers, turnover, and retirement. Employee satisfaction is also related to union membership. This section explores research on the effects of unions on these types of nonwage outcomes.

Union Influences on Hiring

Lower-skilled workers prefer union jobs; thus for lower-skilled jobs, a unionized employer will have a larger pool from which to select. Applicants who do not obtain union employment when they are young see union jobs as less attractive as time passes because promotion opportunities are at least partially related to seniority.43 Among the unemployed, Page 313those with higher pay requirements, women, minorities, and former union members are more likely to wait for a union job opening, but this tendency is inversely related to unemployment levels and the duration of individual unemployment.44 Unionized employers use fewer recruiting sources and methods, probably because of the availability of more applicants from chosen sources. However, this increases the number of selection hurdles, primarily because the likelihood of an employee quitting is lower and the ability to discharge unsatisfactory workers is decreased. Figure 10.1 shows a model suggesting why these differences occur.45

FIGURE 10.1 Union Effects on Hiring Practices

Source: M. J. Koch and G. Hundley, “The Effects of Unionism on Recruitment and Selection Methods,” Industrial Relations, 36 (1997), p. 352. Reprinted with permission from Blackwell Publishing.

 

Minorities are a higher proportion of new hires in unionized as compared to nonunion organizations.46

Employers that actively avoid unionization may attempt to screen out prounion applicants. This practice, while rare, violates the Taft-Hartley Act. Unfair labor practice charges are most likely to be upheld when the employer is involved in an organizing campaign or is openly hostile to the union or when the applicant is applying for a skilled position.47

Promotions, Transfers, and Turnover

Most contracts specify the methods for filling vacant positions requiring promotions or transfers. In nonunion organizations, unless policy or custom dictates otherwise, the employer may use any legal criterion for filling jobs.

Turnover in nonunion organizations is greater than that in unionized employers with equivalent jobs. Chapter 6 suggested that a relatively stable workforce is necessary for a successful organizing campaign. A plausible explanation for lower turnover following unionization would be the stable base preceding it. But employers with represented workforces are no more likely than other employers to hire innately stable applicants.48 Lower turnover is probably related to union wage premiums of about 3 to 8 percent for taking a unionized job, while losses from leaving one are about 7 to 11 percent.49

Contract provisions requiring that promotion and transfer decisions be based on seniority may explain union-nonunion differences in quit rates. The greater the weight given to seniority in job assignments, the lower the turnover rates.50 Collective bargaining also provides employees with a voice in how the organization is managed. Grievance procedures and contract negotiations provide a vehicle for changing the work environment. Without collective bargaining, employees must quit to escape unsatisfactory conditions.51

When nonunion employees have grievances, unless their employers have established grievance procedures, the employee must accept the employer’s unilateral action or quit (assuming the action was not unlawful). In unionized employers, employees are entitled to due process, and grievances might be allowed. Lags in the grievance process will extend tenure until a grievance is finally decided against the employee. Other inducements to stay in a unionized firm relate to expected progress in the next round of negotiations and perceptions about the likelihood of vacancies for which the individual can qualify through seniority.52

Page 315Unionization does not change layoff and discharge likelihoods, but laid-off unionized employees are much more likely to return when recalled than nonunion employees.53 Compared to nonunion employees, unionized employees are more likely to be recalled from layoffs but are less likely to find a new job if permanently separated.54 Unionized employees are 23 percent more likely to receive unemployment insurance benefits when laid off as compared to similar nonunion workers.55 In the absence of supplemental unemployment benefit packages, unionized employers should have a cost advantage—recall that costs are lower because of fewer vacancies and new employees need less training. Management can “store” labor for future demand at relatively minimal costs.56

Seniority provisions may also result from management attention toward the interests of senior bargaining-unit members (they are much more likely to be represented on negotiating committees than are junior members) and away from the impact of the external labor market on the establishment of employment policy. Thus, where cost differences are not significant and the experience of senior employees is related to productivity, negotiated seniority clauses may benefit both the employer and longer-tenure employees. Bargaining-unit members are probably more willing to ratify contracts with significant benefits for seniority because many of them are likely to have more seniority if turnover in union situations is less. Unionized employees may also anticipate achieving these benefits in later years.

If seniority clauses actually create opportunities for senior employees, over time unionized employees should have more internal job changes than nonunion employees. One study found that quit rates for white union members were substantially below those of nonunion employees and that transfer and promotion rates were significantly higher. Almost all union members who had been with the same employer for more than 10 years had made at least one internal job change. Education was negatively related to a bargaining-unit promotion but positively related to a promotion out of the bargaining unit. Promotions were more likely with more seniority in unionized situations, while they were less likely in nonunion employment. Unlike the nonunion situations in which women were less likely to receive promotions, gender made no differences in situations where employees were represented.57 Interests in Page 316career flexibility within the employer were found to be higher among unionized employees.58

Retirement Programs

Many contracts establish a minimum service requirement for full retirement benefits. For example, the UAW agreement with the automakers provides that an individual can retire after accumulating 30 years of service (25 in foundries), regardless of age. Thus, auto workers might retire as early as age 43 (with 25 years in foundry operations) and receive retirement benefits regardless of whether they are reemployed by a different employer. Early retirees would want health care continued because they would not be eligible for Medicare until age 65. Chapter 9 detailed problems in funding retiree health care programs in mature and/or shrinking industries.

The Age Discrimination in Employment Act prohibits negotiating a mandatory retirement age. However, mandatory retirement may be required in situations where age has been ruled to be a bona fide occupational qualification, as is the case for airline pilots and police officers.

Early retirement decisions appear to be strongly influenced by the retiree’s economic expectations and general health. The better the expectations and the worse the health, the more likely the individual is to retire early.59 Married men plan to retire earlier when they expect larger pensions from both private and public sources, when their pensions have a known benefit level, when they are homeowners, when they have earned relatively higher wages, and when they are in poorer health.60 Union members have greater predictability in benefits because a larger share is covered by defined benefit pension plans.61

As benefit levels increase and as retirement decisions cover a range of time periods rather than a particular date, greater retirement planning by individuals and organizations is probable. Some contracts provide pension benefits that, when combined with social security and tax advantages, impose a cash penalty on an employee who continues to work after becoming eligible for social security.

Job Satisfaction

Union effects on job satisfaction are not clear-cut. Chapter 6 noted dissatisfaction was a significant predictor of pro-union voting in organizing campaigns.62 Receiving the benefits a union might gain is expected to increase job satisfaction, but a large-scale, cross-sectional study found that job satisfaction was lower among union members than nonunion employees when other variables were held constant.63

Job satisfaction increases for union members whose jobs change as the result of a transfer or promotion but not leaving the previous employer. The reverse was found for nonunion employees: Their satisfaction increased with turnover and did not change as the result of internal job movements.64

A cross-sectional study found that job satisfaction among unionized employees was somewhat lower than it was among nonunion employees, but results varied when facets of satisfaction were compared. Union members were more satisfied with their pay, valued it more, and received more pay than nonunion employees. Promotion satisfaction was also greater, largely because union members place lower value on promotions than other outcomes. This result can be partially accounted for by relatively lower pay differences between job levels in unionized work. Union members were less satisfied with supervisors and co-workers, especially with regard to supervisory behavior. They were also less satisfied with their jobs, which generally had less varied tasks than those of nonunion employees.65 Unions influenced the satisfaction of employees toward supervisors and the job by pointing out potential sources of problems the union will help employees solve. However, within bargaining units, one study found no differences between union members and nonmembers on job satisfaction or intentions to quit.66

Unionization in nursing homes influenced perceptions of job quality among employees. Other factors related to positive perceptions included being a skilled-care-provider facility, being owned by a chain, having a Page 318religious or ethnic affiliation, having private pay patients, and having trained administrators.67

Finally, the strength of the union reduces fears that an employer might be able to increase work effort through threats.68 At the same time, the degree of unionization appears positively related to job satisfaction and the willingness to cooperate, be productive, and reduce waste.69

Summary

Nonwage issues in contracts are related primarily to hours of work, lengths of contracts, management rights, union security, and seniority provisions. All of these have economic consequences for the employer and represented employees.

Work-hour issues relate to establishing the length of the workday, entitlements to overtime, shift assignments, and the number of days worked during given periods. Evidence suggests that employers may prefer innovative schedules with fewer days and longer hours in some operations.

Management rights clauses spell out areas in which management exercises decision-making control. Management also establishes rights to make and enforce reasonable rules. Grievance and arbitration clauses provide due process rules for situations in which bargaining-unit members disagree with management’s interpretation and operation of the contract.

Union security clauses provide requirements related to dues payment and union membership. Union shops require that all bargaining-unit members belong to the union, while agency shop agreements require that non-members pay dues.

Seniority can be broken down into competitive-and benefit-status seniority. Competitive-status seniority relates to entitlements to jobs, while benefit-status seniority refers to compensation benefits.

Lower-skilled workers, particularly younger applicants, prefer union jobs since seniority is a factor in promotions in most union settings. Promotions and transfers occur more often in unionized settings, and turnover is lower. Job satisfaction among union members is about equivalent to that among nonunion employees, but there are differences in the levels of satisfaction for different aspects of the employment relationship.

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What Makes A Good Leader

From Leadership Development to Co-leadership Creation.
Moving From Helping to Sharing

Eyes on the FloorThe youth council was wrapping up its first meeting. Ellis and Kay had been thrilled to see 15 young people turn out. “They really seem interested in the job fair. This is good!” Ellis whispered in Kay’s ear as they moved on to the last agenda item. The teens agreed that a job fair inviting possible employers to the school on a Saturday would be exciting and doable. Kay had her concrete activities to help the kids; Ellis could see a way for companies to give back. Given the energy in the room, the two young organizers were on a roll.

“So who can help with the flyer?” Kay asked the assembled group. Suddenly all eyes were on the floor, searching for some invisible speck of dust that only the teens could see. The energy in the room was replaced with an uneasy quiet.

“Come on, guys, a couple can help with the flyer, and I only need two people to come with me and speak to employers. What do you say?” Ellis was trying not to sound desperate.

Finally, Cece, one of the older members, shyly raised her hand. “I’ll sit with you, Kay, but I don’t know anything about flyers. You gotta show me.” The group seemed relieved that one of theirs had spoken at last. “That’s great, Cece, great! So who else? You know, you’re the leaders of this council. You get to make the decisions and lead this council, not us.” Kay was firm as she spoke, Ellis nodding alongside her.

Quiet descended on the room again. Robby spoke up at last. “Aww, Ellis, Kay, you’re the leaders, not us. We haven’t done this stuff before, you know. You guys are in graduate school! You know that you know more than we do, you know?”

The group laughed timidly at the repetition but did not disagree. “I can’t talk to some employer! What would I know what to say?”

Ellis and Kay looked at each other in consternation. Their ideas on leadership development included the young people in central roles from the beginning. While initially excited, the teens were suddenly backing off any real responsibility. What were they to do? They couldn’t make them participate; if they tried too hard, they’d lose them all. But if the young people did next to nothing, they’d never feel a sense of their own empowerment. Having a project that left young people as dependent as ever was just as upsetting.

The young organizers headed back to their favorite diner. Their organizing teacher had mentioned dilemmas like these in class, but up close, the lack of leadership in the council felt less like a dilemma and more like a mess. What could they do now?

Introduction: Community Practitioners, Leadership Development, and the Modeling of Democratic Experience

As they are finding out, Ellis and Kay’s first brush with recruiting people to lead their own cause can be fraught with both personal anxiety and strategic tension to expand participation and involvement. Most of the organizing literature addresses these issues under topics of community engagement, issue development, and the choice of topics and targets (Homan, 2004Netting, Kettner, & McMurtry, 2008Rubin & Rubin, 2007). This emphasis is a necessary part of any organizing campaign and its strategic development; the reader is invited to use the Community Toolbox’s terrific tools (cited at the end of this chapter) for the concrete steps one can take in addressing engagement, member recruitment, and target selection.

As we shall see, such activities are about far more than these tasks, as important as they are. They are also about how leadership is formed and the dynamic interplay between group members and their assumptions about what democracy means. While the majority of social work literature on leadership still tends to treat the work of leadership development in a descriptive manner, such an emphasis is incomplete.1 While informative, most leadership literature neither captures the dynamic interplay between organizers and developing leaders nor makes clear how the creation of new leaders is fundamental in framing the contours of civic engagement within a democratic society.

 

1For example, one leading macro text devotes three pages to leadership with a focus on the different schools of organizational management and leadership (Netting et al., 2008, pp. 288–290). Other works have a broader focus on describing the types of members inside an organization or campaign, ranging from its central leaders to activists and participants (Homan, 2004Rubin & Rubin, 2007) without emphasizing how people develop as leaders.

 

Of course, as Ellis and Kay’s experience suggests, one’s initial foray into leadership development can cause anxiety, difficulty, and concern for any community practitioner. As we saw in the last chapter, the dynamics between organizer and members begin with the strategic push for commitment—the member pull-back from involvement; later it can turn into member push for widespread changethe organizer tactical pull for long-term effectiveness. This role strain constructs its own tensions between group members that are partly overcome through the community practitioner’s growing awareness that such push–pull dynamics are a necessary part of a campaign’s development, as much a part of the job as creating flyers, holding meetings, and setting agendas.

But more is at play than role tension between macro practitioner and group members. As was made clear in Chapter 1, what kind of leadership we as a nation seek and how such leadership is expressed in terms of decision making, sharing power, and collaboration is now at play in ways not seen for more than 50 years. For the community practitioner, never before have Gandhi’s words, rephrased by the leadership writer Peter Senge (Senge, Scharmer, Jaworski, & Flowers, 2004), been more apt: “Embody the change you seek.” How an organizer recruits people, works with them on their decision making, handles social tensions affected by power and oppression, and critiques as well as supports their work will construct the type of democratic experience between leader and led that he or she believes is possible.

In short, over time, a community practitioner’s actions have the potential to embody the transformative possibility that as the organized gain power, the organizer loses none. Expressing Steven Covey’s (2004), notion of win–win as 100%–100% in concrete form, the way a macro practitioner goes about her or his work is a powerful opportunity by which genuine democratic experience spreads through our society and captures the imagination of a new generation of activists and citizens. Given the collapse of other forms of leadership in our economic and political spheres, we seem to be at a historic moment where Paulo Freire’s (2000) emphasis on the slow, gradual process of dialogue between helpers and helped that necessarily begins with the frustrated anxiety of the organizer alongside the fear-driven apathy of the organized can be transformed into the shared democratic experience of mutually interdependent leaders, activists, and members. For as Freire (2000) wrote, “Liberation is thus a childbirth, and a painful one” (p. 49). This chapter explores how the birth of this transformative experience for the organized and the organizer can occur.

Thinking About Leadership

We need to begin with current ideas on leadership because leadership is so central to all forms of macro practice. We will address some of these issues in later chapters as organizers move on to positions as directors, supervisors, and executives. Here, we start when the organizer has little or no formal power, and yet he or she is involved with building lasting campaigns and expanding people’s organizations. Interestingly enough, in countless discussions with organizers, I have found their lists of accomplishments always related to programmatic development/campaign success that came to be run at least in part by community members. It seems clear that leadership development is to community organization and macro practice what social functioning is to clinical work (Saleebey, 2008).

That so cherished a hallmark of macro practice continues to be so underdeveloped in the organizing and macro practice literature itself is surprising (Austin, Brody, & Packard, 2008De Pree, 19891993Heifetz, 1998Senge, 1994). While there are numerous workshops and training programs on developing grassroots leaders (from the Midwest Academy to the Center for Third World Organizing), their work tends to focus on the techniques of leadership rather than on the methodology of leadership itself. With the exception of Eric Zachary’s (1997) study of leadership training for South Bronx parent leaders, little work distinguishes grassroots, community-based leadership from other, more traditional forms of managerially based models of leaders and their teams. It is as if leadership development is so universally agreed upon as a given objective of practice that it never dawned on anyone to study it as it actually takes place between the organizer and the organized.

Not that there has been little research on leadership itself. A quick google of the term leadership in 2009 leads to 16 million hits, while leadership development has an astounding 32 million! A more careful perusal, however, shows the focus is on the development of individual leaders, who in turn inspire, motivate, and develop their teams. Whether at the esteemed Center for Creative Leadership (http://www.ccl.org) or the well-known and respected Center for Third World Organizing (CTWO;http://www.ctwo.org), the focus has consistently been on locating individuals to lead others from a paradigm that assumes limits on how one can lead and who can do so. While some, such as CTWO, are greatly committed to recruitment from communities others might ignore, the basic paradigm that transforms whether or not power can be shared over time has remained the same.

Qualities of Leadership for the Macro Practitioner

The work on leadership itself has had some profound insights over the last 25 years that can be of real benefit to anyone involved in macro practice. Overwhelmingly written by and for the corporate sector, there are four primary themes related to a person’s leadership capacity that are deserving of note here:

  • Developing the capacity to distinguish urgency, importance, and one’s use of time to handle the essential demands of one’s workday (Blanchard & Johnson, 1981Covey, 199920032004Shepard & Hayduk, 2002)
  • Developing one’s personal mastery to better discern what is actually happening as opposed to what one perceives as happening. Through this internal attention to her or his ways of thinking and acting, the leader is also able to engage insystems thinking, that is, an ability to examine the underlying problems and issues that impact an organization’s development or a campaign’s long-term strategy (Argyis, 1991Schön, 1991Senge, 1994Senge et al., 2004).
  • Developing servant leadership in the way in which one works with others in a collaborative and “serve first” manner. Inspired by both the classic writings of LaoTze and the teachings of Jesus Christ, the work emphasizes that one must serve before leading as a key to one’s lasting legacy (Greenleaf & Spears, 2004). Several educational theorists, such as Bolman and Deal (2003), Covey (1999), Sergiovanni (2006), and Heifetz (1998), also reference these characteristics as essential components to effective leadership.
  • Emerging recently from the human service field, a transformative leadership model has emphasized the notion that “if the work is sacred then so are you” so that those working in macro practice recognize that their long-term ability to create a lasting legacy through small, sacred acts each day includes self-care as fundamental to both personal well-being and the model of leadership one hopes to inspire in others (Burghardt & Tolliver, 2009).

The capacities to distinguish urgency from importance and to effectively use one’s time were most powerfully put forward through the work of Steven Covey. Starting with the key insight that a person’s ability to slow down his or her reaction time between receiving a stimulus and giving a response was at the heart of effective management, Covey’s original work can be of great value for macro practitioners, who are bombarded with the stimuli of campaign and organizational demands each and every day. Covey went on to see that what could help a person become more reflective and less reactive was to distinguish what was an urgent and important demand from an urgent and unimportant demand. The first set of demands, falling into what he called Quadrant I, were real crises and actual deadlines; what fell into the other (called Quadrant III) were problems and issues that never should have happened in the first place: others’ missed deadlines, unreturned phone calls, and missed meetings. The exhaustion and frustration of spending so much time on these Quadrant III activities in turn led people to spend time on passivity-inducing, mindless activities in Quadrant IV, ranging from gossip to mindless net surfing.

One of Covey’s key insights was therefore to work with leaders on what was important but not urgent in Quadrant II: long-term planning, relationship building, and self-care. His seminal work has helped countless managers, leaders, and others to see that how one carefully used time, including incorporating Quadrant II activities into one’s daily life, was fundamental to long-term managerial and leadership effectiveness (Covey, 199920032004).

Personal ActivityTake a moment to create Covey’s Four Quadrants:

  1. Urgent & Important
  2. Important & Not Urgent
  3. Urgent & Not Important
  4. Not Urgent & Not Important

In reviewing your week, list the activities in the four quadrants. Once completed, identify Quadrant III activities you’d like to lessen and add in new Quadrant II activities that would help achieve your objective (better planning, relationship building, etc.). See Steven Covey’s (2003The 7 Habits of Highly Effective People for more on this topic.

Developing personal mastery and systems thinking so that the underlying causes of problems and concerns could be the focus of leaders and their teams. Masterfully synthesizing and building upon his MIT colleagues’ work on personal reflection and critical thinking, Peter Senge’s (1994The Fifth Discipline focused on the mental and emotional faculties necessary to both work collaboratively and delve into what he called systems thinking, the ability to understand and connect the underlying and often interrelated causes of most organizational problems. While his work initially focused on the dynamics of the business cycle, he and his colleagues have gone on to work with both educational institutions and environmental organizations.

To use an example of interest to a young macro practitioner, through systems thinking, one would assess a problem like poor reading scores in a school and through deep reflection and practice develop a campaign that would focus less on an immediate improvement in test-taking instead, he or she would emphasize the interrelated causes of a lack of parental inclusion in a school’s life, the transfer of experienced and skilled teachers to other districts, and an imbalance of financial funding across the city or state. With each causal factor requiring different campaign targets and activities, the organizers could use one set of objectives to rally support for the other, deepening the campaign’s effectiveness without losing sight of the immediate demand for test score improvement. (See Chapter 7 for a fuller discussion of this process of strategic development.) Such systems thinking is obviously critical to long-term strategic effectiveness and to effective leadership.

Senge’s (1994) contribution extended beyond systems thinking, for he also brilliantly described the qualities of individual perception (called personal mastery) and thought processes (identified as mental models) that are needed if systems thinking is to occur. Personal mastery refers to how one develops the increasingly effortless ability to perceive “what is” in the world without judgment, projection, or intimidation. Such a quality noted by many commentators about President Obama is his cool demeanor in assessing and responding to grave economic and political problems.

Senge used the lovely example of the difference between a new, inexperienced potter and a master artisan to explain personal mastery. The new practitioner labors mightily to grab onto and shape the wet, porous clay around her wheel, only to create at best a misshapen, albeit well-intentioned, pot, saucer, or bowl. Ten years later, the inexperienced potter has evolved into the master artisan who seems to throw that same spongy clay while barely moving her hands, only to have a work of art appear soon after. The personal mastery of the artisan is the skillful, open, and flexible way she has applied herself to the same task over which she labored so intensely 10 years earlier. Developing such personal mastery in the effortless interpretation of the economic, political, and social forces that shape a macro practitioner’s life is, Senge (1994) would argue, fundamental in developing the kind of strategic insight one needs as a macro practitioner in order to have long-term impact on the systems that affect people’s lives.

To do this well while working with others also requires attention to what Senge calls the mental models one brings to thinking about the tasks at hand. As is made clear in Chapter 2, on tactical self-awareness, one of the ways people express their mental models is through their primary focus on either the tasks or the process of work. Senge clarifies that what one is drawn to, cognitively, may be about a specific type of content and the meanings we attach to certain words or actions. While to the young practitioner this may all sound like too much of a good thing, a brief mention of a few words used in a jobs campaign like Ellis and Kay’s can make clear it is not: employers/bosses, minimum-wage job/entry-level position, and opportunity/access can all mean very different things to different people in the same conversation. Is a boss a threat or an ally? Is a minimum-wage job a first leg up or a symptom of structural racism and sexism? Is access an example of fairness or unfairness?

Senge argues that the awareness of meaning we attach to powerful words used in problem solving as well as to the task or process focus of how to solve those problems helps a leader better work with others so that a more collaborative approach to our work together can occur.

Reflective Questions

? On personal mastery: Reflect on an area of difficulty in your campaign or program. Assess (with others, if possible) assumptions about what is the problem at hand by imagining the benefits that come with the problem remaining unchanged. Who benefits? What is a new way to imagine the difficulty that might free up you and the group?

On mental models: Reflect on your approach to an ongoing campaign or program issue: How much of it is overly task oriented? Process oriented? What needs to be emphasized more to make the campaign even more effective?

Greenleaf and Spears’s (2004) contribution of servant leadership is valuable because they directly extend the role of leader into the relationship with those with whom one works. Equally important, they document the types of qualities one must have to be successful: less directing than serving. The qualities they identify are listening, empathy, healing, awareness, persuasion, conceptualization, foresight, stewardship, commitment to the growth of others, and building community. Many of these qualities are not unlike the best of what a social worker does: Listening, empathy, healing, awareness, and conceptualization have all been written about in most introductory texts (Mattaini, Meyer, & Lowery, 2007Netting et al., 2008Saleebey, 2008).

Greenleaf and Spears’s (2004) emphasis on foresight and commitment to the growth of others is clearly a powerful example of what macro practitioners do in leadership development as well. Foresight, or the ability to forecast future activities based on events that may not have happened yet but are foretold by the actions of others, is embedded in the push–pull between an organizer and those with whom she or he works. Such foresight is the basis of a powerfully constructed and dynamic practice where the macro practitioner is where the people are at plus one. Seeing such a skill as something to pass on to others as they develop their own talents is what Greenleaf and Spears identify as a way to diminish the potential elitism that successful forecasting would otherwise create in some. (Who truly needs others if only you can forecast what’s next?) Their recognition that a leader’s forecasting ability increases rather than diminishes his or her role in developing others for sustained growth in a community is of real value for effective macro practice.

Personal ActivityIdentify someone in your group, preferably someone not already in a formal leadership role, whose actions suggest real leadership ability. What are those actions? Why do they suggest the ability to lead? Reflect on different types of leaders the group may need. After identifying the person, engage in ongoing conversations with her or him that pose questions and issues in ways that elicit personal reflection as the person considers her or his role and responsibilities in the group.

A more human services–based transformative leadership model has built upon the work of Senge and colleagues (2004) and the Theory U paradigm developed by Otto Scharmer (2007). Working from a paradigm concerned with long-term environmental devastation of the planet, Scharmer’s work traces how teams of people, whether organizations or communities, must move through the fear, judgment, and cynicism that cloud reform efforts before they can arrive within themselves at the possibility of cocreation and communal well-being. Applied within the human services field, a transformative leadership model has emphasized the small, daily actions of meaning between leaders and managers and those with whom they work as the pivotal measure of an organization’s capacity to build a sustained, democratic community.

Transformative leadership places primary emphasis on the idea that “if the work is sacred, then so are you.” Here the authors pose a challenge of self-care to all social workers, macro or micro practitioners alike (Burghardt & Tolliver, 2009). By making both self-care and small actions with others as the sacred measure of a leader’s effectiveness, the work provides concrete examples of how embodying the change you seek comes to life among those in agencies and communities. Whether you’re practicing politeness with everyone who enters your agency, maintaining a neat and well-lit agency lobby, embracing social diversity as an asset and not a threat, or engaging in systems improvements as a form of leadership development, this model offers ways to inspire others without bonuses and to make a legacy through genuine service rather than the formal position one holds.

Personal ActivityReflect on your self-care and its impact on your own leadership style and internal balance inside the campaign or program of which you are a part. Where in the day can you add in more self-care, whether it’s walking to and from work, taking 10 minutes to meditate each day, or spending down time with a good book? Can you make a sacred commitment to yourself to practice the Second Golden Rule: Do unto yourself as you seek to do unto others?

From Individual Leaders to a New Paradigm for Co-Leadership

While the above and other works offer meaningful insights as to what individuals may do to inspire and motivate others and to live a life of integrity, the idea that macro practitioners can work with others in ways so that all participants are transformed together is still underdeveloped. This is not surprising; leadership models from the corporate sector have little reason to address the conditions from below that emanate from people without power unless they affect the bottom line. Social work values related to self-determination understandably are not part of such a model.

However, when the stated organizing outcomes are progressive, the inattention to the type of leadership being developed can undermine long-term successes in terms of altering power and decision making. For example, the well-known Midwest Academy, a citizen action training center, provides thorough, direct action training for grassroots activists. At the same time, its core essentials of direct action place little to no emphasis on leadership styles and the relationship of the leader to group members that is any different from traditional, hierarchical models.2

 

2Midwest Academy’s five-day direct action workshops list the following topics: (1) identifying the problem; (2) turning the problem into an issue; (3) developing strategy; (4) bringing people to face the decision maker; (5) the decision maker reacting to the group; and (6) winning, regrouping, beginning again. None of the dynamics of power as related to the internal development of the group and members’ long-term awareness of themselves as consciously distinct leaders are developed. See http://www.midwestacademy.com.

 

So we find that a hallmark of our work is well researched for corporate organizations and yet much less understood among those working within communities. This confusing irony increases when we consider one of the standard yet equally understated techniques of daily organizing work in this training process: the use of ourselves as models of leadership. If, in the role of enabler, facilitator, advocate, broker, and so on, we are presenting a style of leadership that implicitly constructs what we want others to emulate, it would seem that we need clarity on what we are about, too. We therefore better know a bit more about our own daily roles in our presentation of leadership models, including our manner of decision making, how open we are to suggestions, how well we share power, and our own comfort with a genuinely diverse set of leaders and activists.

To do this, of course, means understanding why such knowledge is important in an ongoing relationship, a skill that goes beyond any simple self-assignment into a role category like liaison or advocate. As this chapter will suggest, we have the potential to be even more effective if we can learn to incorporate other social work methods into our work; doing so may make it possible to focus our attention on the full range of human relationships, both personal and political. We may then find that instead of socially reproducing a set of leaders consistent with standard notions of hierarchy, deference, and so on, we are creating leadership alternatives quite different from traditional models. After all, if we start with the idea that leadership development is not a hallowed goal but a process by which people change themselves and the organizers as they work together on common organizing tasks, then what goes into that process itself will actually determine long-term, sustained transformation among those with whom we work.

Using casework skills for transformative leadership. Seeking a more transformative model of leadership explains—perhaps ironically—why casework interviewing and assessment techniques can add so much to a macro practitioner’s work. Casework interviewing skills are important in organizing precisely because the unstructured nature of most community organizing settings heightens the vagueness of the interpersonal process within one’s work. As community-based practitioners, we seek people out and conduct interviews on the street, in bars, over lunch, and in crowded rooms. While hardly conforming to the classical contextual specifications mentioned by Garrett, Donner, and Sessions (1995), the shifts from highly content-specific to person-specific experiences that develop in organizing (almost spontaneously at times) occur with remarkable frequency and must be attended to if a person is to be seen in his or her entirety.

Indeed, I will argue that when these events occur, a macro practitioner is confronted with an opportunity of tremendous consequence for her or his work. Not only may trust be deepened between two people as they learn from each other about what at first may be perceived as extraordinary (nonstrategic/nonorganizational) issues in each other’s lives; if developed correctly, it is also possible for the now personally engaged individuals to begin extending the mechanics of leadership development into the realm of what Freire (2000) calls critical consciousness, or what I will more concretely call critical reflection in action. As we shall see, this process expands leadership training beyond the immediate work itself (which will be limited and thus highly pragmatic) and instead takes it toward larger social concerns that may necessitate deeper transformations in society—and different types of leadership.3

 

3It is no accident, for example, that women’s movement rap sessions were called consciousness-raising groups. The intent of these groups is to explore and give support to individual women’s problems and, in the process, to consciously connect those parts of their problems that are rooted in social conditions. They then explore personal and social issues and how they intertwine to develop not just leadership (a personal goal) but leadership in new forms, that is, without the patriarchal forms of leadership promulgated by men (a social goal).

 

I cannot underscore enough the point that your use of both case and community organization skills is not simply to broaden your professional role. If we assume that critical reflection in action demands an ability to intuitively feel and intellectually understand the way in which the world is organized, this joint mixture of skills becomes the sine qua non of engaged practice. To begin with, one crucial but often overlooked fact about most organizing situations and leadership is that organizers, unlike executives, initially are expected to undertake leadership development within a context of perceived failure. Often, of course, the failure is not of the group’s or individual’s making. The responsibility or blame may lie elsewhere, but that does not change the immediate perceptions of the group as to why they are working together.

This is why our purpose in the development of strategic practice, as discussed in Chapter 4, is to heighten the underlying tensions between what people may perceive about the world and how the world actually is. By definition, those perceptions, no matter how legitimate they may have once been, create an impression that previous community efforts failed to correct problems still needing to be resolved. The experience of having lived with these feelings of at least partial failure imbues people with a touch of resignation, self-blame, doubt, or confusion as to who is right or wrong. People are going to feel uncertain about how much of their problem is due to their own ineffectiveness and how much is beyond their control. This uncertainty will surface in different situations. The practitioner, in recognizing where people are at, will therefore have to focus on altering both the situation andpeople’s perception of their past failures regarding that situation. To do otherwise would be disrespectful.

In short, there simply is no way to divide out process and content for the critically reflective organizer concerned with leadership development, even when concrete objective tasks may be great and potential systemic change is difficult. The way we work with people will greatly influence what those people do, not only in the short-run campaigns of meaningful direct action, but also in addressing the long-term needs for new models of leadership that confront present power relationships in dramatically new form.

Reflective Questions

? In what ways can you demonstrate respect for where a group is at by legitimating why they perceive things as too difficult without creating a sense of defeat? Can you show respect and challenge them at the same time?

Developing Leadership on the Ground: The Dynamics of Grassroots Leadership Development

Historically, there have been three dominant strategic alternatives used by organizers to get at the complicated process of developing leadership: (1) changing the situational problem to the exclusion of leadership development; (2) developing leaders who are grounded in organizational, not critical, consciousness; (3) developing critical consciousness, or critical reflection in action.

1. Changing the situational problem to the exclusion of leadership development. This highly concrete, direct action approach gets the job done (wins the rent strike, maintains the fiscally troubled senior center, etc.) but doesn’t take measures to see that the success will be maintained. While undoubtedly stated in terms of self-determination, it actually furthers dependency by shifting the participant’s focus of dependence from outside agents of unfairness or oppression to the organizer’s more benign but still hierarchically positioned role. Michael Reisch (Burghardt, 1982), writing years ago when he was an activist in the antinuclear movement, thoughtfully wrote about this tendency among some of the leaders involved in the Shoreham, Long Island, demonstrations:

Some of the activists believed that change would be initiated if they worked for the people. What this course of action effectively did was to impose a world view on the people, rather than dialogue with them about their views and those of the (grass roots) organizational leaders. As Freire noted, “This practice is incompatible with a truly liberating course of action, because it replaces the slogans of the oppressors rather than helping the oppressed ‘eject” those slogans from themselves.” (pp. 87–88)

Their method of organizing, while grounded in objective reality (the need to get rid of nuclear power), used an imposing process of intervention that short-circuited the development of a people’s understanding of their own potential for being agents with the capacity to change that reality.

2. Developing leaders who are grounded in organizational, not critical, consciousness. This is easily the most common form of leadership development that takes place within community organizing and other forms of macro practice. It is also understandably popular, for the constraints facing the practitioner—for example, the perceptions of failure, the limited resources and urgent demands for action, and so forth—breed in anyone the desire for immediate results. We therefore latch on to quick ways to establish someone—at times almost anyone!—to serve as a group’s leader. The techniques to keep that person in that leadership position, which range from flattery to guilt, are in actuality forms of objectification that socialize him or her to use the same techniques on followers in the future.

This short-cut process has accidentally created two dangerous problems: First, it tends to exclude the vast majority of the group from leadership and instead fosters a view of organization that is hierarchically skewed and potentially undemocratic. Second, it perpetuates the use of techniques that cannot ground a person within a changing social context (which would demand constant attention to the process of how one attempts to change those conditions) but rather fosters reliance on the manipulation of others. A well-travelled and almost burnt-out organizer reiterated his experience with some tenant leaders he’d helped train in the past:

I don’t quite understand it—people come and people go, but they just seem to stay the same. I go into a few buildings, get a lay of the land, and find a few people ready to work. Then things go fine for a while during the initial action …but every group but one has lost its group after a year or so …a lot of the original people just give up, or don’t care. …[How did you work with the leaders in each group? How did you train them? Or didn’t they need any?]

Training? You have time to train somebody in a rent strike? Seriously, though, I’d work with one or two who seemed most interested. Most of those [people] had more enthusiasm, which makes it a lot easier on me. And most had talents, too, but not in this work. What I needed to do was take their talent and direct them toward the group. I’d latch on to them … try to make them feel good, help plan their agendas and all the meeting details, and afterwards boost egos and correct a few points. A lot of effort goes into that kind of work, doing hand-holding, reassuring people over the phone, all that “stroking.” The key was to make them feel good enough so you’d get the job done right and people in position to carry on afterwards. (Italics added)

You can see right away that there’s a lot that’s right with this organizer’s approach. He wants to get the job done correctly, which means he’s willing to train others to lead their groups. He’s willing to take the time needed to work with their developing leadership needs, without giving up the central rent strike tasks. But what is the nature of the training? There were two points specified: immediate facts on how to deal with organizational detail and ego-boosting. The former related to a set of techniques that was divorced from the social context itself (most meeting skills can be learned and are applicable to any situation). Leadership training never generated issues that would, for example, tie in the previous lack of leadership to other social problems or generate discussion about the set of reasons people were encouraged to be passive receptacles of others’ efforts at change.

The latter use of ego boosting, by definition, excluded much of a person’s life from the organizational experience itself. Not that a person doesn’t need to be congratulated for work well done; it’s just that respect isn’t simply a function of making someone feel good. The organizer, by objectifying the group’s needs into sharply delineated organizational and ego-salving tasks, was himself perpetuating a model of leadership devoid of the critical reflection necessary to creatively act within the world. For all his good intention (and decent rent strike work), he was creating a model of leadership devoid of attention to the changing social context that would have made the group interventions more meaningful for the members and himself. By objectifying his work into differentiated categories of organizational and personal solutions, he never could develop a conscious method of organically joining people’s reactions and needs to the larger context of the organizing effort and the social world in which that effort was a part. Freire (2000) comments as follows:

Critical and liberating dialogue [between the oppressed and the organizers] which presupposes action, must be carried on with the oppressed at whatever stage of their struggle for liberation. The content of that dialogue can and should vary in accordance with historical conditions and the level at which the oppressed perceive reality. But to substitute monologue, slogans and communiqués for dialogue is to attempt to liberate the oppressed with the instruments of (their) domestication. Attempting to liberate the oppressed without their reflective participation in the act of liberation is to treat them as objects that need to be saved from a burning building; it is … to transform them into masses which can be manipulated. (p. 65)

While requiring patience that can at times seem in short supply, to have taken the time in the midst of the work to pose issues for mutual problem solving would have laid the groundwork for understanding that a campaign is often a long-term tactic used to better the changing social and personal conditions of its membership. People may not need ego boosting as much as a chance to learn concretely how to analyze and interpret the problems before them in their own words, be it their perceived individual struggles or those flowing from the organizing situation itself.4

 

4See Chapter 7 for an example of Freire’s (2000) problem-posing model that Eric Zachary has developed inside his educational justice organizing efforts.

 

They then become active people in the situation, not things-for-organization. In short, the organizer’s above mistake in the midst of much good work was in not validating a person as a human being with understandable doubts, misgivings, hopes, and aspirations attached to the group’s ongoing efforts—a far more important organizing goal than that found by stroking an individual in order to create an organizational tool (a group leader).

Personal ActivityReview a recent campaign you have been involved in.

How were members encouraged to become leaders, if at all? What concrete activities were used to develop them?

  1. ______________________________________________________________________
  2. _______________________________________________________________________
  3. _______________________________________________________________________

In what ways were they involved in their own development? In what ways did their own ideas and suggestions influence the direction of the group?

  1. ______________________________________________________________________
  2. _______________________________________________________________________
  3. ______________________________________________________________________

In what ways did they influence the organizers?

  1. ______________________________________________________________________
  2. ______________________________________________________________________
  3. ______________________________________________________________________

3. A far different model of organizing is found in developing critical reflection in action. An example of how this leadership methodology is put into practice was discussed by Debbie Harris (Burghardt, 1982), a community activist working with seniors, as she analyzed certain interactions between a group member and herself. As you will see, there is little direct attention at all to developing leaders.

[This man had been monotonously disruptive to her and other group members.] This man had one major area of interest, which was the high cost of beef and the importance of importing larger quantities. I tried to listen (over the year), but two things interfered with truly hearing and responding: (1) the man spoke endlessly, repetitively, and somewhat monotonously; (2) I’m a vegetarian and somewhat turned off to meat issues…. Most everyone else seemed fed up with him too. …

Finally I met with [him] for another reason—to work out publicity for a congressional representative involved in our Center. We then started a serious discussion on import/exports, price controls, the cattlemen’s lobby, etc. I realized he had a good sense of the topic, but was frustrated by lack of direction. Everyone listened, but no one discussed it with him. “I’m just an old man who likes to talk a lot.” But for once I really heard him, argued with him, questioned him, and found we were really communicating. … We are now actively seeking ways to work on this [meat] problem. … I believe my decision to really take him seriously and actively work with him is having an effect on our relationship. He is beginning to give me feed-back on my role as the worker—something I really want. It seems like a two-way dialogue is developing here! (pp. 93–94)

The organizer in the previous rent strike example worked with group members as tactics to be maneuvered into positions of organizational responsibility. Harris directly worked with people on individualized needs that transcended the organizational context (which saw only an old man to ignore) in order to both help him and improve her own skills. Instead of ego boosting, she argued; in place of working only to achieve immediate organizational needs (publicity, which would have left her frustrated), she tried to communicate with the man on his terms. In the end, this genuine person-in-situation approach increased the group’s resources (a new project with active membership involvement extending beyond the gentleman) and heightened the likelihood that her own organizing skills would improve through ongoing feedback.5

 

5It’s interesting to see that Harris (Burghardt, 1982) gave what she herself had wanted: feedback that included disagreement, not just words of praise. This obvious but often ignored process is a key element built into critically conscious practice, but one of the hardest for a person to develop. It takes both a recognition of its value and tactical self-awareness to do this well. For example, if you are uncomfortable in highly structured situations, don’t set up highly individualized meetings with people where this kind of dialogue is going to be attempted for the first time. Your own awkwardness probably will make whatever negative feedback you have to give and receive appear to be more powerful than it is meant to be.

 

Harris’s approach to leadership development will be discussed in greater detail later. What is so distinctive here is her willingness to implicitly validate the elements of failure in this man’s situation by confronting the parts of his immediate concern (the meat) that were overstated or incorrect. It wasn’t a matter of stroking at all, but one of confronting him as a person with quite real qualities of strength and weakness. In her willingness to take his arguments seriously—seriously enough to disagree with him—she was beginning to reach toward the deeper social issue embedded in his obsession: his being politely listened to because he was an old man. The rent strike organizer would have tried to set up a meat import committee, telling him how this information would eventually help others; those from the “let’s do it for them” school would have set up a committee and plunked him down as its token chairman while they did other work.

Other forms of leadership training would have had leaders, but neither would have dealt with the individual in a manner that altered his own consciousness of his situation or how he could change it. Like so many strike leaders trained by the Brooklyn organizer, he probably would have dropped off in activity as soon as the immediate tasks were over (and the ego boosting had stopped). By immersing herself into his world through engaged conversation (Wheatley, 2008), Harris necessarily began altering the relationship they had. She would be a bit less certain; he would be able to respond more fully and could intuitively perceive himself as more than a tactic for manipulation. His effectiveness naturally increased in all areas of work.

Personal ActivityReflect on a person in your group who you hope can develop as a leader but who seems to have issues that get in the way of her or his development. Modeling yourself after Harris’s approach, what would you include in that conversation about you and your perceptions of her or him? About what you saw as necessary to succeed? About what she or he brought to the work and where there were challenges?

Once completed, what can you commit to change and work on? What will you request of her or him?

Let’s return to Ellis and Kay as they struggle to understand these dynamics with their field instructor so that they can work more effectively with the teens.

Gone Fishin’?Ellis and Kay both looked at their field instructor with a mix of fear and longing. Megan Newman was a smart, no-nonsense supervisor who managed to be warm and direct at the same time. While her smile was genuine, for the moment her emphasis was on being direct.

“Look, guys, you can’t get a group of young people together, get ’em all fired up about jobs and job fair campaigns and all, and then turn around and immediately expect them to volunteer. People can like the idea of something without believing they can do anything about it. You gotta address that fear while you do the work.”

“Address the fear while doing the work? How do we do both? I mean, won’t they get distracted if we focus on their emotions? You know, some of them don’t do that well in school. Why would we bring up stuff that reminded them of other failures?” Ellis’s brow was creased with concern.

“Like Ellis said, we can’t stop and just do therapy with them.” Kay sounded as anxious as she felt. “Geez, there’s so much to do in a campaign like this. It’s already on us to make it happen!”

Their field instructor leaned forward. “So let’s pause for a second.” She looked at them both, her manner calm. “Tell me something, what is your biggest fear with these kids?”

“That we won’t get them jobs, or even if we do, they won’t have learned anything about themselves. You know, the ‘teach a man to fish’ thing won’t happen,” said a worried Ellis.

“That it’ll happen in ways where they’re no different than they were when they started. That the two of us didn’t matter a bit.” Kay’s normal upbeat manner was gone from the room.

“Those sound like real fears.” Newman’s voice remained calm yet direct. “Do either of you work with people elsewhere in that way? You know, expecting that so little will happen, unless you both work hard?”

“I had that happen in high school. Worked on a breast cancer awareness drive and ended up doing all the work,” Kay replied.

“What’d you learn from that?”

“Never again! I saw just killing myself got the job done, but I was a wreck when it was over.”

“I had that happen in high school, too, only the reverse. A group of us were supposed to get involved in Black History Month, inviting speakers and whatnot. The teacher did the whole damn thing. I felt like a cipher.”

“So you’ve been burned by doing too much and you doing too little. Did you repeat those mistakes?”

“No.”

“Never.”

“So why do you expect to repeat them with these kids?”

Ellis and Kay both looked perplexed. Kay spoke first. “I just got so anxious about making a difference as an organizer I forgot all about that. Old habits die hard, sometimes.”

“I see these kids and I want so much to happen, but don’t want to impose myself on them, that I just left off thinking, period, I guess,” Ellis managed a brief laugh at himself.

“So, isn’t it possible you might be projecting your own anxiety onto these kids? Turning what’s a normal hesitation to get involved into something far bigger than it is?”

Kay and Ellis looked at their field supervisor and silently nodded in agreement.

“So in reality, you each can use your own experience to work with these kids, right? By reflecting on our own history, we can often find ways to help people locate their own reasons for why they do what they do.” Megan’s smile was brighter now. “And then maybe they can more easily get through that impasse.”

Kay and Ellis looked at each other again, this time with relief. “Hey, I think we just got a dose of that problem posing the prof was talking about!” said Ellis. ‘A little casework for the sake of organizing…very interesting!”

“Yeah, instead of giving us answers on how to work with the kids, you asked us things to get us to reflect on our own experience to arrive at our own answers.” Kay was beaming now.

“And not impose our own anxiety on them,” Ellis laughed. “We’re the basket cases, not them!” The others joined in the laughter. Ellis turned serious for a second, focused. “We have to trust that the young people can get there in their own way, too. If we let them have their fears without making it a huge deal, then they can get to their strengths a lot quicker.” He looked more relaxed than he had in a week.

Their field instructor just leaned back, her hands behind her head. “Hey, guys, one more thing before you meet with the kids again. Don’t forget to leave your fishing poles home, okay?”

Ellis and Kay both high-fived their supervisor as they left the room. Megan Newman high-fived them right back.

Personal ActivityHow can you utilize Ellis and Kay’s field instructor’s approach? What experiences of your own can you use in working with others on leadership?

Joining the Personal to the Social as a Vehicle for “Naming the Word”

This kind of problem posing with people as you go about the rigors of community practice sounds nice in this Ellis and Kay case study, you might be saying, but how can you do it in the actual work? A meeting with your field instructor is one thing, but what about when you’re in the midst of a real meeting with community members? After all, practice in a community-based setting is often so unfocused that these nuances of communication seem a bit much. How can you really expect to do more than the rent strike organizer? And before we look at how to do this, why should we bother?

Obviously, the joining of personal concerns as part of a longer-term critically reflective process while organizing is no small matter. To recognize this is to grasp the essence of what Freire (2000) means by “naming the word.” By being able to recognize a person with her or his individual needs, problems, and strengths, especially when the recognition occurs in the midst of activities that usually relegate such “personness” to superficial consideration, you are making a powerful political statement about how you view history and the organizing that takes place within it. It is a history created with people, not for people.

By seeing the person more fully through these actions, you suggest a definition of history as a history of subjects, of people who choose, in countless ways, to act on the world with others. As Harris’s (Burghardt, 1982) example makes clear, by taking the risk to engage with an individual as fully as possible, including acknowledging mutual doubts and fears, when such engagement is not organizationally necessary in the short run, you end any implicit objectification of others that may have been unconsciously communicated through the rest of your work. Your problem-posing actions begin to bring to life what Freire (2000) meant by “the word”:

As we attempt to analyze dialogue as a human phenomenon, we discover something which is the essence of dialogue itself: the word. But the word is more than just an instrument that makes dialogue possible; accordingly we must seek its constituent elements. Within the word we find two dimensions, reflection and action, in such radical interaction that if one is sacrificed—even in part—the other immediately suffers. There is not one word that is not at the same time a praxis (a joining of reflection and action). … An inauthentic word, one which is unable to transform reality, results when dichotomy is imposed on its constitutive elements. When a word is deprived of its dimension of action, reflection suffers as well, and the word is changed into idle chatter, into verbalism, into an alienated and alienating “blah.” … On the other hand, if action is emphasized exclusively, to the detriment of reflection, the word is converted into activism. The latter—action for action’s sake—negates the true praxis and makes dialogue impossible. Either dichotomy, by creating inauthentic forms of existence, creates inauthentic forms of thought, which reinforce the original dichotomy. (p. 87)

Translated a little less abstractly, the process of leadership development cannot be elevated to dialogue capable of generating critical reflection in action if a practitioner’s conception of the task is either all goal directed (action) toward political ends, which stifles personal attributes of the people who are integral to that action, or so process oriented (reflection) toward making individuals feel better about themselves that one ignores the objective circumstances that brought people together in the first place.

Ellis and Kay wanted to create action, including young people’s leadership. When they were met with resistance, their own fears and initial objectifying of the teens led them to personal resignation and a loss of group momentum. Only as their supervisor got them to reflect on their past experiences as they began their own high school projects could they reflect on how valuable such problem posing might be for the young people. It would be through this reflection joined to action that they then could commit to genuine responsibility for the jobs campaign. Ellis and Kay would now engage the students in their fears about commitment by admitting to their own as well. The words spoken then have the authenticity Freire wrote about because both the organizers and the organized are speaking together from the same mutual regard and understanding that there are good reasons to fear working on a campaign together.

This is why the joining of casework and community organizing skills within the same practice framework means much more than just multimethod innovation. For example, knowing when a person’s reaction to new and untried leadership responsibilities has a personally concealed meaning is the essence of your own praxis that Freire referred to in the previous quotation regarding reflection and action. Your awareness of how these two parts of an individual’s organizing and personal lives may be interacting reveals your own willingness to explore reality as fully as the client is in fact perceiving and living it—even when that exploration is not directly or pragmatically beneficial to you or the campaign at hand. In making this linkage of the personal and the social, the possibility of dialogue that can transform the world opens up.

Saying the word is not the privilege of some few persons, but the right of every one. Consequently, no one can say a true word alone—nor can he say it for another, in a perspective that robs others of their word. Dialogue is the encounter between [people], mediated by the world, in order to name the world. … [Therefore] human existence cannot be silent, nor can it be nourished by false words, but only by true words, with which [people] transform the world. To exist, humanly, is to name the world, to change it. (Freire, 2000, p. 87)

As Debbie Harris’s actions suggest, for the practitioner to engage other people as fully as she did is no minor act, even though each interaction may be brief. Her conversations with an elderly man were doing precisely what truly engaged practice demands: looking beneath an obscure political statement to see a man personally crying out to be seen. On one level, she used her casework skills to engage him in a way that heightened the man’s motivation, increased his organizational resources, and cut down his obsessive chatter. But in a deeper, more political sense, through her engagement she had exposed herself to the risk of being perceived poorly, of presenting herself, with her emotional ideas and arguments, in as open a way as the older man had done earlier. His later involvement was in part a function of having begun to “name the word” with Harris in a way that transformed the world—his world, the one that had previously denied him any engaged place within it—and hers, where she now had an ally and organizing partner and not just an elderly drone.

It was not just that he saw himself differently; simultaneously he saw her differently. Instead of being the great organizer who could assuage his needs or resolve his difficulties, Harris, by arguing with him, by getting angry, was exposing herself as a person with emotions, needs, and uncertainties. While Ellis and Kay would be at a different level of conversation with the teens because they had worked together so briefly, the dynamic interplay would be the same. Through this conversation in the midst of their campaigns, the elderly man’s growing ability to see himself as a subject of history was in part based on removing others like Harris from a position of total authority that left him only to follow—an object to be used by others, one to obsess over silly topics and needless issues. The ensuing dialogue was so meaningful not only because it was honest but also because it defined the way in which certain people act together. Instead of a cranky old man being helped by the tolerant organizer, there were two people sharing information—and themselves—so that they might better the organization. In short, the organized has gained power, while the organizer has lost none. In such small acts, a transformation of the world is begun.

Group ActivityAt your next small-group meeting (perhaps of leaders or a subcommittee), build into the agenda time for members to reflect on an issue where the group seems stuck. Pose questions that seek their genuine input regarding possible answers. Model your own struggle to get things right by speaking to your own difficulties on an issue you dealt with in the past. Make sure your focus is on the internal effort and personal challenge it took to arrive at a solution and not just the eventual success. Invite the group to go through a similar process; use your listening skills to pose follow-up questions so the group probes deeply for answers beneath the surface.

No one meaningful organizing experience can move you to transform the entire world, of course—a lot more critical reflection in action involving huge numbers of people will be needed for that. But this book is explicating a leadership process that can transform the world by the way an individual or group perceives that world, their place in it, and their actions upon it. Freire’s (2000) critical consciousness is not some magic elixir that unleashes the bottled-up urgings of the masses into societywide, transformative upheaval. It is simply, yet profoundly, the way in which people together learn their rights and responsibilities as subjects of history so that they may choose to act on it as fully and as purposefully as conditions of their epoch will allow. It speaks of self-determination in both personal and political terms, never isolating either in ways that allow others the chance to manipulate and distort their place in acting on the conditions of their lives.

If you assume, with Berger and Luckmann (1967), that reality is both objectively determined and subjectively perceived, your direct engagement with both these connected aspects of life as you organize will allow people to engage more fully in their history,including you. For as they make history, you necessarily become part of it, mutually exploring ways to improve the total reality of your lives together. That you will all be doing so at this momentous time of American history when leadership and authority are being re-examined as they heretofore have not been for generations makes this experience all the more important.

The Use of Interviewing Skills in the Midst of Organizing: Joining the Micro to the Macro

The use of casework and community organization skills within the same practice signifies a practitioner’s ability to engage in the primary subjective (how people see things) and objective elements (the measureable problems one is concerned about) of another’s reality. In turn, this deeper awareness communicates openness and respect of that reality so that others more fully reveal themselves with you. False distinctions between helper and helped are dissolved without sacrificing the genuine contribution each can make to the other’s life. For the organizers, then, the use of casework interviewing skills can help him or her transcend the immediate organizational constraints imposed by the singular dimension of macro practice to a deeper critical consciousness that actively incorporates the personal within the political.6

 

6Let me add here that there is another vehicle that allows personal and social issues to be joined in a manner that actively fosters new and heightened social consciousness: the tremendous social upheaval wrought by widespread social movements like the civil rights movement in the 1960s, the labor movement of the 1930s, and the lesbian/gay movement of the 1980s. What is being written about here is not a substitute for such movements but an adjunct to them when such movements do not exist—and one that can be used during them, too.

 

As Garrett et al., (1995) introduced their classic work:

If we zoom in our discussion to be directing our attention primarily to subjective aspects, to feelings, emotions, and attitudes, it is because we recognize that they are as important as the objective facts themselves and are much more likely to be overlooked. … We listen to the undertones, because the underlying subjective of “worry” (for example) may be caused by an objective situation that may not be apparent at once. (p. 176)

In other words, at times, paying attention to the emotionality of a response may be the key to a larger or deeper social problem. (This was the work Ellis and Kay’s field instructor was inviting them to undertake.) In microcosm, it forces one to always deal actively with what Berger and Luckmann (1967) have identified as the primary dialectic of societySociety is a human product. Society becomes and is an objective reality. Man is a social product. Or, put in terms of macro practice and leadership development, society can be described as follows:

  • The activities of creating the world (through macro practice)
  • make a new world (an organizing campaign’s outcomes plus new forms of leadership) that then
  • shapes us anew (as subjects of history)
  • as we begin a new form of practice together (dialogue/critical reflection in action)
  • transforming the world together.

This dynamic, engaged, and transformational process has necessarily linked the interpersonal (subjective) and the macro (objective) parts of life together in an unending series of interactions that demand mutual exploration. Only as this mutual exploration—known as dialogue at last!—occurs together can the world of our macro practice be understood and changed in ways that model genuine self-determination for all. Or, as Freire (2000) might have said, to name our word with others is to transform our world, too.

Personal ReflectionReflect on a campaign or program where you began to think differently about yourself and the people with whom you worked in a positive, energized way. What happened that led you to see your potential for acting on the world in a new and more powerful way? How could you create similar conditions within your own group?

Getting Back to Basics

So, in getting back to basics, what are the specific personal issues in the group or individual that you need to be aware of? And in what situations that can affect a group’s organizing are they most apt to be present? In answering the last question, we can’t forget that community-based practice doesn’t lend itself to the more easily controlled structure of most casework interviews. Personal issues that one would deal with are hardly scheduled in advance, and the immediate subject may have nothing to do directly with the individual. Nothing would be more ludicrous than stopping a highly charged group discussion about taxes and service cuts to explore a particular issue in greater depth because of one or two people’s personal intensity about the matter. At the same time, it would be remiss of the organizer not to note such intensity as a reason for later follow-up. The assessment skills found in casework interviewing are designed to help you make follow-up a real possibility, and with it, a chance for genuine engagement together that may broaden the actual meaning of “leadership development.”

Besides your own use of tactical self-awareness, which can help you be aware of those situations in which you’ll be most effective in picking up others’ personal cues, you must begin by knowing what to look for. Garrett et al. (1995) list six items still used today: (1) recurrent reference; (2) opening and closing sentences; (3) concealed meaning; (4) association of ideas; (5) shifts in conversation; (6) inconsistencies and gaps.

Recurrent references and opening and closing: We’ll begin with two processes that overlap in similar ways in both organizing and casework. When people refer again and again to the same issue or begin and end their presentations with the same topic (or one that otherwise hasn’t been mentioned), you are getting an indirect message that in some way, this subject matters beyond the topic itself (like the man concerned about beef). Whether the repetition is personally or politically motivated will depend on myriad factors, including the hidden agenda to purposely obscure other items from the practitioner’s view. Perhaps noting the intensity with which topics are referred to can help you differentiate between the personal and the political, but one must be careful with intense political convictions that create powerful emotional responses. In general, it is best to be aware of their potential importance as a beginning to a deeper understanding of the group or individual with whom you are working. Given its relatively open presentation, the chances are that follow-up can be easy.

Association of ideas: The way a person connects different ideas is often a function of that person’s particular history, where powerful past emotional experiences will create distinctive reactions in individuals that are unique to them. In my experience, however, the distinctive association of ideas often relates to cultural differences. For example, not everyone thinks in linear, future-oriented, cause-and-effect terms, not because of lesser conceptual ability, but because of the particular environmental demands under which they live. I learned this while working in the Morrisania section of the South Bronx, still one of the poorest neighborhoods in New York City. The leader of the storefront action group was an exceptionally talented and perceptive formerly incarcerated man, a 35-year-old African American, who at times made no sense to many of us White, professional organizers in the group. His ideas always seemed to take leaps of logic that were rarely understood. A few people were convinced it was because of a lack of formal education.

However, one day it clicked for a few of us: his frame of reference (thus the association of ideas) was intensely present oriented. The past was over and forgotten, and the future was to be dealt with only when it arrived. Examples were therefore always couched in highly personal terms that rarely included cause and effect. Powerful ideas were developed through the use of metaphors. (“This meeting best be like Slick’s head” seemed a little obscure to us until we met Slick and his smooth, bald head.) Once understood, the metaphors were as rich and subtle as any abstract, intellectual statement, but the tendency at first from our own mental models had been to denigrate the pattern of thought itself.

A community practitioner must understand the different contextual/cultural variations that breed varying ways of presenting ideas before analyzing potentially emotional meanings behind those ideas. Instead of forcing others to adopt your frame of reference (which will undoubtedly cause resistance!), you have a chance to broaden your own mental model, learning new ways to express ideas that are equally valid and smart.7 In turn, we begin to communicate a form of openness with others and a respect for different abilities that then frees people to present themselves as fully as possible.

 

7This does not mean that in broadening your frame of reference you start trying to talk like other people. There is nothing sillier (and more condescending), for example, than to see Whites trying to talk Black. While it is understandable that many Whites come to love the beauty and smoothness of Black language patterns, it is another thing to start trying to use them (a phenomenon that happens only when they’re around Black people, by the way). It sounds artificially stilted, ignores the rather clear reality that one isn’t Black, and is the equivalent form of condescension found in statements of understanding another’s oppressive conditions that are referred to in Chapter 6. By being yourself and talking naturally, you communicate far more realness than any mawkish attempts to “get down” with others, and it’s much more likely you’ll win acceptance and respect from them.

This relates to Freire’s (2000) important insights regarding “the banking system of education.”

 

Concealed meanings: Organizers and macro practitioners, in their tendency to be task oriented, can grow easily irritated with people who don’t stay with a particular topic but seem to wander from the main points of a discussion. We perceive their reaction to certain topics as attempts to disrupt or impede the work of the group, when in fact it may be that their reactions signify far more than obstructionism. (This is especially true if the people don’t have a history of obstruction. If they do, then that has to be dealt with in more political terms.) Indeed, when a person tends to overreact consistently on a particular topic or uses such a topic to digress, there may be a much more personal struggle occurring that needs tending to before the person can refocus energy on the group’s larger tasks.

A good example of how concealed meanings can be harmful to the flow of your organizing yet revealing of an individual’s need occurred at a New York City–wide labor support group that had formed after another projected round of layoffs. One of the steering committee members, a well-respected activist, became irritable every time anyone used the term rank and file or rank-and-file group. Normally a quiet and even-tempered speaker, he would angrily demand the floor and go on long harangues about the “philosophy of the rank and file,” attacking others for their use of the term, even though their comments were rarely controversial. (The support group had about 100 different trade union activists from across New York City in its membership. For it not to discuss the term rank and file would be like a caseworker avoiding the use of the phrase psycho-social when discussing a client’s background.)

A number of people grew angry with him, including me, but requests to tone down his comments made little headway. Remembering Garrett (Garrett et al., 1995), I finally suggested quietly to him (away from the group) that maybe something else was going on to upset him. I suggested we talk together at a later time. While he was initially furious with me, he agreed, and later we were able to get beneath his antagonism.

His angry responses were symptomatic of his gnawing disappointment and frustration in having been unable to build a rank-and-file group within his own union local. While it was not a problem of his own making, he tended to blame himself for the failure of the organizing efforts. Because he had used the term rank and file in the leaflets to his fellow workers, the phrase once had been filled with the hope of rekindling solid democratic traditions in his union. With his organizing efforts smashed by leadership maneuvers, hope had turned to bitterness. In turn, the combination of blaming himself for the rank and file’s defeat and his own dashed hopes had emotionally redefined the term in ways having little to do with the support group he was now part of. When used at our meetings, the term didn’t make him obstructionist; it made him feel his hurt. While our discussion hardly did away with his pain, it did clarify some of the reasons for his overreaction. Not only were his comments more helpful in the future, but the personal recognition of how badly he felt due to the organizing failure helped him resume a much more active role in work designed assupport for rank-and-file groups!

Shifts in communication and recurrent references: It is natural that interviewing people in highly fluid, disruptive situations will undercut the smooth flow of conversations. Talking in the street, at a coffee shop, or on a cramped bus may be more common to our work than carrying on structured interviews in office settings, so it is quite possible that shifts in conversation or recurrent references have as much to do with the noise from the kids next door as from conscious or unconscious needs to avoid certain topics. At the same time, this is not always the case, and a community practitioner needs to learn the difference between objective circumstance and subjective feelings that interfere with straightforward conversation. As Garrett (Garrett et al., 1995) noted, people may be too uncomfortable with material to carry a discussion further or may unconsciously connect seemingly disparate thoughts.

Nevertheless, this ability to ascertain latent content is perhaps one of the most valuable skills an organizer can have. Such skill can allow one an initial entry, both personally and politically, into the personal hidden agendas of a group or of its members. As in the previous example with the rank-and-file activist, people miscommunicate in order to communicate more fully than they consciously dare. It is your willingness to dare to look beneath the surface on such issues that may begin generating mutual dialogue later on.

Individual ActivityReflect upon a recent interview/discussion with a community or coalition member whose influence matters in the group. As you review the discussion, were there any of these dynamics perhaps at play that require further follow-up (recognizing the humbling risk in doing so)?

  1. recurrent reference
  2. opening and closing sentences
  3. concealed meaning
  4. association of ideas
  5. shifts in conversation
  6. inconsistencies and gaps

Make sure to speak of your perception of what was heard without insisting that it occurred. Ask for clarity, not correctness. And seek support from your micro colleagues, too!

The effective joining of casework and community organization skills, then, goes beyond multimethod work. By being able to interject personal awareness of another’s individualized, emotionally based struggle in a macro practice situation that does not objectively demand such attention, you begin to subvert previous assumptions about how people function, what political activity is, and so forth. Slowly, together, you alter perceptions of the world and how to act on it through your own personal mastery: What is—especially what is limited, determined, and oppressive—may not be exactly what was once perceived. As Freire (2000) said, in naming the word together, the organizer and the organized begin to transform the world—as coleaders.

Micro Meets Macro Up Close and Personal“So, Kay and I met with a number of the local employers last week. Some of them seem interested in your group. They said they need good summer help. But they—”

“‘But’?” Eduardo interrupted quickly. “I bet there’s a whole buncha ‘buts,’ aren’t there?”

“And why they say ‘good’ summer help? Some of ’em want ‘bad’ summer help, too?” Jacqui got the whole group laughing with her sarcasm.

Ellis looked briefly at Kay, taking a deep breath as he did so. She could see he was making an effort to follow their field instructor’s advice, but it wasn’t easy. “Hey, I hear you. You’re right to be skeptical.” Ellis paused, letting his words sink in as he collected his thoughts. A few sets of eyes looked up from the invisible spots on the floor they’d been examining to watch him more closely. “When I was in high school, I got involved in a project where I ended up feeling worse than when I started. I never wanted to work in a group again.”

“So why did you? I mean, what got you involved again once you’d been burned?”

Cece’s question seemed to animate them all.

“I don’t know, really.” Ellis was searching for words, a little unsure of himself as the group moved further and further away from the tasks he was more comfortable with. “Actually, a while later a group of us read about a nearby family whose house had burned to the ground. We did a food and clothing drive just to do something. Felt pretty good to be helping out.” As uncomfortable as he was, Ellis found himself moving to firmer ground as he spoke. The group members were listening intently.

“So, yeah, I guess I got going again because it felt right. Took a while, though.” He paused again, letting his words sink in. “We all have our reasons for not getting involved, right?”

“Eduardo, sounds like you’ve been burned like Ellis, too,” Kay followed up. “Were you?”

Eduardo looked embarrassed. “Nah, not really. I don’t have problems with groups ’n all.” He made a sweeping gesture around the group. “These are my buds, ya know what I mean? Hangin’ with them is a good thing.” He paused for just a second, his voice momentarily quiet. “Just never had no luck lookin’ for jobs.”

The room stayed quiet, but only for a second. “Been there, done that,” Jacqui replied.

“Got tired of it all, too.”

The group members kept talking for a while about their failed experiences with the job market. Some of them spoke about their parents’ difficulties in finding and keeping a well-paying job. Ellis and Kay would check each other out, making sure their time together wasn’t turning into a gripe session. Every once in a while they would pose a question that came from a teen’s comments. After about 20 minutes, Kay spoke up.

She, too, was nervous. “I’ll be honest, I never had these problems. I was this popular White girl in my school, so I got afterschool jobs pretty easily. You guys sure have gotten the short end of the stick on that.” She paused again, still nervous for having said so much about herself. “The truth is, my problem with groups was different. I would get involved and then do all the work! It was terrible. I’d do a project and be fried when it was over because I’d worked so hard.”

“Yeah, I worry about that, too,” Cece replied. “I mean, I want to help, but I just can’t do too much. I help my mom at home and all… .” Others nodded their heads in affirmation.

“So how about we do this together? Ellis and I can approach the employers, and a couple of you can keep track of who says ‘yes’ and who says ‘no’ or ‘maybe.’ Then we’ll help with resumes, while you recruit some more of your friends to the job fair … .” Five young people signed up to do tasks over the next week. Eduardo and Cece agreed to be the cochairs of the group as well.

Later that afternoon, Ellis and Kay adjourned once again to their favorite diner. Along with their coffee, they treated themselves to a cheese Danish.

Personal ActivityUsing the above case as a guide, re-examine your approach to posing issues with a group you are working with. What is your example of your own struggle for the group to reflect on? How can it serve as a bridge to breaking down possible resistance?

Today’s Historic Challenge: Reconstructing The Macro Practitioner’s Stance for the Creation of Co-Leadership

It is important to stress here that the above casework techniques, if not joined to the dynamics of the organizing or management process itself, would be as limiting as any other dichotomized approach. Not to do so means that over time, those who engage in casework would tend to overwhelmingly focus on intrapsychic dynamics, while macro practitioners eventually tend to exclude all but political, economic, and programmatic issues from their activity. This turn toward method rigidity, initially unintentional among practitioners, occurs because most practice methodologies fail to incorporate the dynamics of self-change within their frameworks. This, in turn, limits their ability to maintain an active, engaged form of critical reflection with those with whom they work. In fact, too often a social worker performs her or his role without fully recognizing the powerful institutionalized influences upon that role—which, over time, affect one’s stance in the world. This coleadership development process requires a much deeper interplay between methods that impact us all for a genuinely transformative process to occur.

Second, one problem-posing group session is hardly sufficient to build coleadership in new, critically reflective forms. One needs both patience and persistence in the development of authentic relationships together in order to give birth to real coleadership. The development of a critically reflective practice is impossible if the practitioner and community members do not work together at weaving these two elements back and forth in their work over a significant period of time. Debby Harris (Burghardt, 1982) did not take the risks she did, including her own upset, in the first month or two of working together with the seniors.

If community organizers and managers lack the patience and persistence to weave multiple method techniques into one’s work, they will inevitably succumb to the pressured habits wrought by the primary expectations of the job. And why shouldn’t they? After all, a social worker, no matter her or his underlying beliefs and commitments, will be hired to do what the agency has advertised for all along; the caseworker, for her or his ability to provide concrete services and casework interventions; the organizer, to engage in more collective, organizational/community work.

Operationally, this means that the agency will more quickly reward those who maintain its order and punish—or at least ignore—those who seek a redefinition of how the world—the agency—views those with and without power inside the agency. Without the conscious interjections of some methodological factor to buffer this push toward routinization to do things as they have been done, work comes to be performed in ways that unconsciously maintain the larger social order by accepting the world—in terms of agency roles—as far more objective and outside of one’s control than it really is.8

 

8Berger and Luckmann (1967) go on to discuss this phenomenon in terms of reification:

To what extent is an institutional order, or any part of it, apprehended as a non-human facticity? … [Does it become] reified [seem to exist apart from people’s actions and perceptions on it]?

Reification is the apprehension of human phenomena as if they were things, that is, in non-human or possibly superhuman terms. … Reification implies that man is capable of forgetting his authorship of the human world, and further, that the dialectic between man, the producer, and his product is lost to consciousness.

Narrowing the discussion [on the dialectic of society] to the matter of roles, we can say that, on the other hand, the institutional order is real only as it is realized in performed roles and that, on the other hand, roles are representative of an institutional order that defines their character … and from which they derive their objective sense. (p. 61; italics added)

 

Social workers’ roles become static and rigid, in the simplest terms, when a caseworker is assumed to engage in and is rewarded for only intrapsychic clinical interventions and the organizer/macro practitioner for only strategic, organizational interventions. By removing each practitioner’s role from a critically reflective engagement with others and himself or herself, one implicitly accepts the institutional order as it is. Each practitioner has abstracted the intervention’s human essence into dichotomized terms, easily dividing interpersonal and community–social life into stark method choices of either micro or macro work. As the larger world is only partially apprehended by the caseworker and organizer through this approach, well-intentioned people go on to perform in agency roles that have unnecessarily stripped away the potential for the critical reflection in action discussed throughout this chapter.

Reflective Questions

? Review your and others’ roles inside your agency.

Where are they overly rigid? What could be added/modified that would add more micro to macro? Macro to micro? Identify concrete ways the agency would benefit. What training skills could each offer the other?

Thus, many social workers’ interactions with others take on a static and objectified quality as the varied psychological and social phenomena are worked on with respective—and seemingly alternative—diligence. The organizer tries to develop leaders, but like the Brooklyn worker, she or he finds consistent intrapersonal roadblocks to engaged involvement and falls back on ego boosting to get things done. The caseworker works hard with the clients of different backgrounds but finds so many objective problems that he or she eventually prefers to work with people of like social characteristics so that meaningful clinical work can take place. And, of course, hierarchical relationships between client and worker never change. People consciously continue to see themselves as liberal or even radical, but meaningful change through engaged worker–client interactions becomes increasingly difficult. Rewards are then sought exclusively elsewhere, such as in other professions, publishing, or a change in job status.

Personal ReflectionReview your own job and what you are doing. Take some important but not urgent time and see where there is room for either macro or micro activities. What have you been letting slip? What can be added or shifted to deepen your own role flexibility?

In order to perform differently, you must find within your practice paradigm ways to break down tendencies toward static role definition. Freire’s (2000) critical reflection in action points in a generally helpful direction, but it needs specificity in terms of macro or micro practice. Therefore I would argue the following:

  • First, the use of critical reflection in action carries with it an element of risk that, if accessed consistently over time, keeps you alive to the potential for transformative change (however modest) within the process of your work.
  • Furthermore, the primary risk for each practitioner will be in the consistent use of the less dominant domain of his or her primary method. For the organizer, it is the risk in intuitively trying to understand the personal strengths and needs of community members, which may necessitate deeper interpersonal interventions; for the caseworker, it’s the risk in intuitively understanding the social and political factors of a community member’s life that may demand some form of macro intervention.
  • Risk is therefore not about whether you’ll do your job. It’s the concrete, ongoing exploration of the live tension between the recognized yet often silent polarities embedded in any engaged practice relationship. The silence means they can and often will be ignored at times, but not that they are unimportant. For, as anyone who has stepped out of formal role expectations knows, such risks create the possibility of transcending the constraints of any one form of practice. Through your willingness to consistently use intuitive skills, you have taken a leap into areas less known and less certain for yourself (and for the agency that your stated role functions represent).
  • In this leap you are exposing the vulnerability all of us experience but that many roles are expected or required to hide—except in the role of client or community member.
  • This is why risk helps you transcend a practice situation’s limits: Your more open vulnerability resulting from your use of intuition creates an immediate sharing between community member and professional. For as the community member begins to experience a relationship with you in both agency- and nonagency-defined interactions, there is a far greater likelihood that he or she will begin to see that his or her own roles can be defined by not only failure but also strength.
  • Your grappling with the personal (or, for the caseworker, the social) material in ways that you are not necessarily comfortable with or institutionally rewarded for forces you to approach the agency-defined person in need more as an equal than as someone to be helped by you. Freire’s dialogue has begun.

This is why the consistent use of risk, such as Harris’s, is as potentially radical as Freire (2000) suggests in his discussion of critical consciousness. In naming the word, one is transforming the world not only in some objective sense, but also in the socially conscious way of consistently redefining perceptions of the way the world is between an agency worker and community member.Instead of rigidly defining what is between worker and community member as an unchangeable relationship in terms of power and sharing, you are developing your personal mastery with others. Such personal mastery, developed over time, allows you to more effortlessly present yourself with others in ways that allow for mutual exploration of your world. As Harris (Burghardt, 1982) found out, her argument with her community member was a catalyst not for permanent disagreement but mutual feedback and support on the different tasks of the seniors’ group. Over time, each participant needed and got feedback, and each had skills to offer in the process of building their organization.

After all, as Harris recognized, her own self-determination depended in part on her ability to stay attuned to the shifts in her practice experience, both personally and politically. Furthermore, her ability to understand a person’s individual problems in the midst of organizational demands showed more than multimethod dexterity. The risk in attempting to go beyond the defined limits of her organizing role in her intuitively based confrontation had meant sharing her own personal vulnerability. Instead of concentrating only on the intellectual tasks of the group (action), she used her intuitive sense of a person’s struggle (reflection) to begin creating critical consciousness (the joining of action and reflection). Not only was the client changed, but so was she—to a method of practice that actively understood how to go beyond imposed agency limits and static role definitions. Naming the word had indeed begun to transform the world for her and those with whom she worked.

The Actual Process of Naming the Word in Coleadership Development

There are three interconnected phases to this process of coleadership development between the organizer and the organized. As aprocess of engagement, there are no definite limits to the beginning or ending of one phase or another; likewise, the consistent use of different skills is not an unending repetition of intuitively expressed techniques. They must flow organically from the situation itself; your own developing personal mastery on what is and isn’t possible together will obviously help along the way. After all, there is a job to do, and you aren’t expected to search for transcending, trust-inducing experiences at the expense of immediate tasks at hand. Besides, there must be enough joint activity before you can establish any genuine relationship capable of transformation.

Phase One: Active Work and the Sharing of Self

As stated earlier in the chapter, the initial work between a community group and a practitioner will carry with it the implicit failure of the group to have previously achieved, in some way, its own stated needs and/or interests. Regardless of origin, this sense of failure is fraught with the dangerous potential of maintaining established role patterns accepted by the institutional order: You enter to help, showing your concern; they accept your help, following your advice. Even if you create a viable campaign, dominant patterns of leadership remain embedded in the entire practice situation. Self-determination cannot occur.

Therefore, the contradiction here is to present yourself as skillful in the completion of the group’s tasks (your reason for being there in the first place) while simultaneously open enough as a person to suggest a more mutually determined definition of the problem and how to end it. At this stage, this means performing the work but sharing yourself. Ted Finkelstein (Burghardt, 1982), at the time a neighborhood organizer working with tenants in the Bronx, wrote a good example of how this can happen:

At first, when organizing in an emergency situation like this one was, there is little time for certain sharing to develop trust together. You have to get the work done, and that’s all. But a while after the emergency repairs had been completed, Milton (a new tenant leader) came back to the office. He needed to use the phone to make calls. I attempted to show him how to get the City Emergency Repairs Program involved in his building. We ran into many obstacles. The day became a real learning experience for both of us as we spent literally five hours on the phone with various agencies trying to overcome major snafus in the building. An instant respect and admiration for each other’s style grew as we in our own ways tried to deal with the City. … Our anger and tempers soared as we met resistance at every turn. Laughter and talking were the only things that kept us from going insane. By the end of the day we were talking with each other, not at each other. … By the time of the next meeting Milton had told most people what we had been through. It appeared a giant burden was off everyone’s shoulders at the start of the meeting.

Ted and Milton had emphasized work, but what was going on underneath the activity was a fuller, more complete presentation of self in subtle yet clear ways. In the midst of work there was admitted frustration, anger, and laughter, along with “instant” respect for each other’s styles. The organizer’s role expectations demanded activity that centered on the housing bureaucracy. Finkelstein’s particular openness and sharing of himself also communicated a message about the method of leadership that, because it was based on his willingness to risk exposure of himself in personal terms, went far beyond formalized definitions of his professional role. One must remember that the work had begun in failure and with a call to Finkelstein for help. His answer could have fit their assumptions, and those most commonly expressed and sanctioned by society, by exclusively doing the job for them.

The radical nature in this stage’s process is not just in confronting these assumptions, but in Ted’s beginning to demand new “modifications” (as Freire, 2000, calls them) by the oppressed to what leadership (and help) really can be: mutual, shared activity.The practitioner, it can’t be forgotten, is being observed by those who work with her or him as much as the reverse for what level and type of skill she or he is bringing to bear on the problem (a directly stated theme) and for less conscious examples of how the world is, such as images of authority, the degree of following demanded in a request for help, and so on (the indirectly stated theme in this phase).

The key problem for the organizer is to present herself or himself in such a way that these indirect themes begin to be externalized in a manner that allows for the emergence of community members as increasingly equal partners and participants. In this slow incubation and birthing as leaders, they become aware that their heritage has as much resonance within the organizing process as does a macro practitioner in her or his more formally institutionalized role. If the organizer and the organized can begin to do this together, they both begin a process of decoding old themes of internalized oppression that until then have continually limited the definition of the problem situation to its objective characteristics. Freire (2000) writes:

In general a dominated consciousness which has not yet perceived a limit situation in its totality [that it is not solely of their own creation] apprehends only its epiphenomena [surface level] and transfer to the latter the inhibiting force which is the property of the limit situation [passivity bred by fatalism and a sense that change is impossible].

This fact is of great importance for the investigation of generative themes. When (people) lack a critical understanding of their reality, apprehending it in fragments which they do not perceive as interacting with consistent themes of the whole, they cannot truly know that reality. To truly know it, they would need to reverse their starting point: they would need to have a total vision of the context in order subsequently to separate and isolate its constituent elements and by means of this analysis achieve a clearer perception of the whole. (p. 104, italics added.)

These dynamics, while written obscurely by Freire (2000), underscore why tactical self-awareness can be of such importance to an organizer’s effectiveness in redefining what leadership and power sharing can be (see Chapters 2 and 3). By definition, tactical self-awareness is always conscious of context (including, in part, the way others perceive that context). During this initial phase of organizing, you can therefore use the presentation of your self in ways that begin to sweep away Freire’s epiphenomena (the small details of everyday life that show people both how the world is and their own limits within it) so that a new vision of the context stands before them.

Reflective Questions

? Reflect on an organizing activity with community members. What skill sets did you bring to the work? In what way were you overly rigid, staying locked in a stance that revealed little about you as a person? Where could you have been more open in ways that could have demonstrated a positive need for support?

By using your skills and simultaneously being tactically self-aware enough to present yourself as a complete person with your own needs and varied skill sets, you begin suggesting a far more radical image of what that context could be like. Decoding one’s sense of the world can’t take place by simply talking about a different, more equitable world. It occurs through some jarring of people’s perceptions so that old ideas and assumptions about the world and their place in it can fall away and new ones begin to be constructed. Obviously, much of that jarring will come through the ongoing attempt to better social conditions. This is why organizing campaigns, with their emphasis on reconstituting the social (and personal) order, are so important. They attempt so much that people taking part sense that things—including them—really can change.

Such transformation can take place on a much lesser scale in even the most quiescent periods or with modest resources. The need to alter how people perceive themselves and the world of which they are a part is a constant. The question, then, is will there be active attempts at a more radical transformation or not? The active engagement of a practitioner with community members in altering how people work together can prove to be as exciting as Berger and Luckmann (1967) imply in their analysis of how change occurs:

A “recipe for successful alteration” has to include social and conceptual conditions, the social, of course, serving as the matrix of the conceptual. The most important social condition is the availability of an effective plausibility structure, that is a social base serving as the “laboratory of transformation.”9 … [And] this plausibility structure will be mediated to the individual by means of significant others, with whom he must establish strongly affective identification. No radical transformation of subjective reality … is possible without such identification…. These significant others are the guides into the new reality. They represent the plausibility structure in the roles they play vis-à-vis the individual….And they mediate the new world to the individual. The individual’s work now [begins to find] its cognitive and affective focus in the plausibility structure in question. (p. 55; emphasis added)

 

9This is why an organizer needs to be organically grounded to strategies of potential change that need neither naive nor fanatacized consciousness to be successful.

 

In the larger society, this is in many ways the role that Obama’s presence on the national stage has played for so many Americans. His ascension to the presidency has recreated the plausibility structure of so many who see in him a hope for both his leadership and their own place in American society. A macro practitioner plays a similar role on a much more modest but not unimportant stage. This is why an organizer’s small personal acts, dealt with consistently, plausibly create so much transformative potential: the worker makes practice—the community member makes practice—the worker/community member transforms practice. The context has shifted from one in which formal authorities make history (you, the skilled yet distant professional) and objects receive that history (the deferential, thankful community members) to people acting as subjects of history—together.

Phase Two: The Demand for Sharing the Work

The primary contradiction of the first phase for the practitioner was shaped by the demand for professional skill and personal need. While always emphasizing the socially mandated activity of the group, dynamic tension is located within a consistent presentation of vulnerability where none is expected in the practitioner’s role. In this second phase, the dynamic tension is reversed by locating the contradiction between the demand for quality work and an expression of the client’s strength. The process of altering previously constructed, well-internalized roles that have supported the institutional order doesn’t rest with just the macro practitioner. Even as the organizer’s formal role definition is being broken down in Phase One, it doesn’t follow that others working with him or her will immediately change. As every experienced practitioner knows, cause and effect is much too slippery to be reduced to a singularly powerful variable. (And, in fact, to assume otherwise in this instance would further condescend to a community member’s actual reality.) Just because you change doesn’t mean others have to!

Nevertheless, eventually the needs in the organizing process subtly reverse themselves. You may be consistently revealing yourself more fully in your personness by having some vulnerability in how you go about your work, but now it is time to demand that community members assert their full selves by exposing their strengths consistently, too. If you don’t make this demand, you may succeed in developing your own legitimacy and respect in the group, but solely as its leader. (For example, how often have you heard community members refer to a presumably excellent and highly popular professional in terms of how the group couldn’t survive without her or him?)

Here, then, the ongoing conversation between practitioner and community group members must shift (Wheatley, 2008). If a rigid institutional order is to be undermined by changing ideas about leadership, then signs of deference and internalized oppression must begin to be broken through. The practitioner realizes this for his or her own good; after all, to remain in Phase One may create a sense of well-being and, eventually, a type of charismatic charm, but the vulnerability has obviously been false, for positions of responsibility remain the same. No world will be transformed by that!

Indeed, on some level this personalized yet traditionally ordered pattern of interaction may seem to suit community members just fine; here you are, working skillfully and responsibly, and you’re a nice person to boot! However, the purpose of developing critical reflection in action together is not to find a new leader but to transform the way in which people act on the world together as coleaders. Your skill and vulnerability have combined to suggest that the old themes of authority and excellence need not be rigidly constructed—and, at the same time, that failure and lack of authority aren’t necessarily synonymous.

Thus, the crucial moment (often repeated!) during this second phase will be the conjuncture of where community members assume responsibility for certain actions that could be performed by you (and perhaps were earlier) and the type of respect given for this work. If you truly respect them, you will risk demanding success and will be willing to openly, honestly provide constructive feedback for unsatisfactory performance. You must dare them to be seen as being as fully human as you have attempted to be. That dare can be frightening. You need to be aware of the difference between genuine, personal inabilities to act and internalized forms of oppression that, while beginning to be broken through, continue to exist. But the daring must begin during this phase.

Just as tactical self-awareness was a primary instrument in the earlier phase, here what matters is your willingness to try to intuitively distinguish between personal problems of individuals who cannot do some things and those attitudes and behaviors of internalized oppression one can now risk giving up. Finkelstein (Burghardt, 1982) related such an incident that occurred while doing the tenant work.

[After two developing leaders did not show up at an important meeting they had promised to attend—one that Ted had gone to on his day off] … later that week I paid a visit to Milton. Che was there also and I had to overcome my nervousness and let them know what I was feeling. I told them I felt they not only let me down personally but they let down the building. They apologized for not showing but they did not feel it was totally their fault. They then volunteered to handle all the arrangements for our next meeting. It had really been tense, but I think they respected me because I had confronted them. … We discussed the seriousness of the work if they were to become responsible for a lot of it.Although I didn’t intend to, I gave their commitment level a jolt of reality. They responded with new vigor, and honestly, they pledged to administer the building to the best of their ability. (pp. 143–145)

There had been, of course, a great deal of activity preceding this shared encounter. Finkelstein never could have given effective constructive feedback if he himself had not been through a previous process where he exposed his own limitations and frustrations that identified his humanity to the group. He had worked with them for months, so his words were within a context of now socially understood actions. Likewise, his demands were based on no-longer-acceptable behaviors that were maintaining outmoded, oppressive patterns of dominance–submission rather than on personal problems these individuals may have still had. His ability to make such distinctions had developed through previous conversations where others’ personal issues, such as family strife, alcoholism, and so on, had been touched upon. This clinically focused past activity now made it possible to raise demands that signified a respect for their strength, a desire to share work as equals. The consistent attention to matters in the past, flowing out of the intuitive risks taken between practitioner and client, now made possible his demand of social accountability.10

 

10Dennis Saleebey (2008) speaks of this when he writes about client strengths and capacities to grow.

 

Group ReflectionIn a work group, initiate a discussion of the difference between internalized oppression and having personal problems. As the discussion develops, note that the former is connected to dynamics of social power between groups and individuals that foster a continuation of dominant–subordinate arrangements, while personal issues may relate to individual problems and abilities that may hinder a person but are not related to such power relationships. Note as well where dynamics of internalized superiority may be at play here. Be prepared to make this kind of discussion ongoing rather than a one-time activity.

The demands were flowing organically from a leadership problem that was in the process of redefinition—one still similar in its objective context of the tenants’ campaign but moving toward mutual effort and sharing. These demands cannot and will not be legitimated with respect from the oppressed if they are not viewed as flowing from a common position, one of joint concern among equals. Only when this latter state exists can your demands be heard and respected.

The future commitments and responsibility evident in Milton and Che (as well as Harris’s meat expert) did not happen because of external pressures. They responded in a newly engaged manner because through those demands they experienced the dynamic tension found in a new problem situation in which they naturally assumed new roles to resolve the problem … as leaders.

This isn’t a smooth process, of course. The ebb and the flow between old and new behaviors and expectations necessitate an engaged involvement over a long period of time before a real consistency develops between all participants. We shouldn’t burden ourselves with the false expectations that this type of work can occur with any more symmetry than anywhere else. To do so is to delve into the romanticism and abstraction born of distant theorizing, the type that never lives (both personal and political). Lasting change of this kind is based on months and years, not days and weeks. If one has confidence in people—including oneself—that such change can and will occur given a consistent application of these measures, then one can more easily accept the pattern of change in practice.11 (An example of this approach will be seen in Chapter 7 in the parent leadership work undertaken by Eric Zachary.)

 

11This is not to say that one can easily accept the pace of change since so much of that is determined by present social conditions. The point here is to recognize the pattern of change within socially quiescent periods and then to mobilize practice efforts with a pattern of consciousness that makes future historical periods much more open to momentous change.

 

Phase Three: From Leadership Development to Critical Consciousness: Naming the Word, Transforming the World

As stated at the beginning of the chapter, the primary flaw in leadership development has been its perpetuation of a model of organization that inevitably doomed its community members to an unending cycle of marginality. By simply emphasizing the dichotomy between leaders and followers in a context implicitly based on their initial failures, there is little way for a macro practitioner to do more than re-create old patterns of domination with new, benign faces. However, through an awareness of how to join casework and organizing skills in ways that tap the political and personal dimensions of a person’s entire life, it is possible to redefine the problem situation in ways that go beyond the ordinary definitions of leadership and reach a collectively shared, mutually supported coleadership born, again and again, through critical reflection in action.

Your ability to organically move back and forth between intellectually and intuitively focused issues within the practice situation (a critically reflective skill) frees you both to present professional skills and to risk personal vulnerability in ways that begin restructuring the themes of how a problem situation is defined. Tactical self-awareness allows you to be comfortable in exposing your own needs for support and the inevitable fallibility in parts of your performance without falling apart.

The risks you take here suggest an engaged entry into the actual situation others are living through, not as being the same for all, but as being felt and experienced by all, and that therefore its change is necessary for the well-being of practitioner and community member alike. This is what legitimates the later demands of mutual, reciprocal responsibility for the group’s actions. A professional’s vulnerability has ironically awakened community member strength, which now allows for shared activity between equals. The institutional order, at least in terms of the role definitions of how our problems are defined and acted upon, begins to change. And the subjective alteration of reality carries with it the potential for objective change later on: “Man, the social product, makes society, the human product” (Berger & Luckmann, 1967, p. 11).

This is why to name the word is to indeed transform the world. While hardly equal to the drumbeat cadence when thousands march, the quiet sounds of mutual dialogue and genuine conversation between people once perceived as helping and being helped may soon make deeper reverberations than some might expect. You work and converse together so that as many people as possible develop as subjects of history, choosing how you will act within it. The application of these skills, shared with others and changing as the situation warrants, if successful, then develops the final irony to this model of leadership development: When it is done effectively, people come to realize they don’t need individual leaders at all!

The Community Toolbox

The Community Toolbox has a number of significant skill sets for practitioners seeking to further their leadership development skills. Some of them can be found at http://ctb.ku.edu/en/tablecontents/chapter_1013.htm andhttp://ctb.ku.edu/en/tablecontents/chapter_1014.htm.

Orienting Ideas in Leadership

  • Section 1. Developing a Plan for Building Leadership
  • Section 2. Servant Leadership: Accepting and Maintaining the Call of Service
  • Section 3. Styles of Leadership
  • Section 4. Building Teams: Broadening the Base for Leadership
  • Section 5. Developing a Community Leadership Corps: A Model for Service-Learning
  • Section 6. Recognizing the Challenges of Leadership
  • Section 7. Encouraging Leadership Development Across the Life Span
  • Section 8. Ethical Leadership
  • Section 9. Choosing a Consultant
  • Section 10. Promoting Organizational Change and Development
  • Section 11. Collaborative Leadership
  • Section 12. Leading Collaboratively: Leadership As a Collaborative Enterprise

Core Functions in Leadership

  • Section 1. Learning How to Be a Community Leader
  • Section 2. Developing and Communicating a Vision
  • Section 3. Discovering and Creating Possibilities
  • Section 4. Understanding People’s Needs
  • Section 5. Building and Sustaining Commitment
  • Section 6. Influencing People
  • Section 7. Building and Sustaining Relationships
  • Section 8. Learning From and Contributing to Constituents
  • Section 9. Making Decisions
  • Section 10. Overcoming Setbacks and Adversity

References

Argyis, C. (1991). Teaching smart people how to learn. Harvard Business Review, 3(May–June), 99–109.

Austin, M. A., Brody, R., & Packard, T. (2008). Managing the challenges in human service organizations: A casebook. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Berger, P., & Luckmann, T. (1967). The social construction of reality: A treatise in the sociology of knowledge. New York, NY: Knopf Doubleday.

Blanchard, K., & Johnson, S. (1981). The one minute manager. New York, NY: Blanchard Family.

Bolman, L., & Deal, T. (2003). Reframing organizations: Artistry, choice, and leadership (3rd ed.). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons.

Burghardt, S. (1982). The other side of organizing. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman.

Burghardt, S., & Tolliver, W. (2009). Stories of transformative leadership in the human services: Why the glass is always full.Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Covey, S. (1999). Living the 7 habits: Stories of courage and inspiration. New York, NY: FranklinCovey.

Covey, S. (2003). The 7 habits of highly effective people. New York, NY: FranklinCovey.

Covey, S. (2004). The 8th habit: From effectiveness to greatness. New York, NY: FranklinCovey.

De Pree, M. (1989). Leadership is an art. New York, NY: Doubleday.

De Pree, M. (1993). Leadership jazz. New York, NY: Dell.

Freire, P. (2000). Pedagogy of the oppressed. New York, NY: Continuum.

Garrett, A., Donner, S., & Sessions, P. (Eds.). (1995). Garrett’s interviewing: Its principles and methods. Washington, DC: Manticore.

Greenleaf, R., & Spears, L. (Eds.). (2004). The power of servant leadership. La Vergne, TN: Ingram.

Heifetz, R. (1998). Leadership without easy answers. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Homan, M. (2004). Promoting community change: Making it happen in the real world. Florence, KY: Cengage Learning.

Mattaini, M., Meyer, C., & Lowery, C. (Eds.). (2007). Foundations of social work practice: A graduate text. Washington, DC: National Association of Social Workers Press.

Netting, F., Kettner, P., & McMurtry, S. (2008). Social work macro practice. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.

Rubin, H., & Rubin, I. (2007). Community organizing and development. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.

Saleebey, D. (2008). The strengths perspective in social work practice (5th ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.

Scharmer, O. (2007). Theory U: Leading from the future as it emerges. Cambridge, MA: Society for Organizational Learning.

Schön, D. A. (1991). The reflective turn: Case studies in and on educational practice. New York, NY: Teachers College Press.

Senge, P. (1994). The fifth discipline: The art and practice of the learning organization. Cambridge: MIT Press.

Senge, P., Scharmer, O., Jaworski, O., & Flowers, B. S. (2004). Presence: An exploraiotn of profound change in people, organizaiotns, and society. Boston: MIT Press.

Sergiovanni, T. (2006). Rethinking leadership: A collection of articles. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin.

Shepard, B., & Hayduk, R. (2002). From ACT UP to the WTO: Urban protest and community building in the era of globalization.New York, NY: Verso.

Wheatley, M. (2008). Authentic conversations: Moving from manipulation to truth and commitment. San Francisco, CA: Berrett-Koehler.

Zachary, E. (1997). An exploration of grassroots leadership development: A case study of a training program’s effort to integrate theory and practice (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). City University of New York Graduate Center, New York, NY.

 
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Walmart Manages Ethics And Compliance Challenges

Read “Case Study 3: Walmart Manages Ethics and Compliance Challenges,” located on page 407 of the textbook. Then, read the article titled, “The Good, the Bad, and Wal-Mart”, located at http://www.workplacefairness.org/reports/good-bad-wal-mart/wal-mart.php.

Write a four to six (4-6) page paper in which you:

  1. Examine the manner in which Walmart’s business philosophy has impacted its perception of being unethical towards supply and employee stakeholders. Provide one (1) example of Walmart in an unethical situation.
  2. Determine the major effects that Walmart’s business philosophy has had on its human resource practices and policies.
  3. Analyze two (2) of the legal mandates that workers and U.S. government has accused Walmart of violating. Provide an explanation as to why these legal mandates were violated, citing specific violations.
  4. Evaluate the efficiency of the structure of the ethical decision making framework that Walmart has used in making its decisions. Provide a rationale for your response.
  5. Recommend two (2) actions that Walmart’s Human Resources Department should take in order to improve the employees’ perspectives of Walmart’s human resources policies. Provide a rationale for your recommendations.
  6. Use at least three (3) quality academic resources in this assignment. Note: Wikipedia and other similar Websites do not qualify as academic resources.

Your assignment must follow these formatting requirements:

  • Be typed, double spaced, using Times New Roman font (size 12), with one-inch margins on all sides; citations and references must follow APA or school-specific format. Check with your professor for any additional instructions.
  • Include a cover page containing the title of the assignment, the student’s name, the professor’s name, the course title, and the date. The cover page and the reference page are not included in the required assignment page length.
 
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MGT 601 The Functions Of Modern Management / Week 6 Discussion 1 And Responce And Week 6 Discussion 2 And Responce.

DISCUSSION 1

Organizational Control Process

 

Analyze the four steps of the control process and explain how each step contributes to the control function. Describe the three types of controls. How can the effectiveness of controls be assessed in an organization? Is this assessment different for a global organization?

 

Guided Response:

 

In your response, please include detailed information on the four steps of the control process. Also, review the content on budgets and properly incorporate it into your response. Respond to two of your classmates’ posts. Analyze their discussions by agreeing, disagreeing, or adding other ideas to strengthen or enhance the perspective presented in their initial posts.

 

THIS IS THE TO PARAGRAPH YOU DO A SHORT RESPONSE TO.

 

RESPONSE 1

 

According to the text, “A management control system is planned, ordered scheme of detecting deviations from goals and standard and making the appropriate corrections. It enables managers to readily asses where the firm actually is at a point in time relative to where it wants or expects to be”(Bierman, Ferrell & Ferrell, 2016). A company must have a strategy in order for it to run effectively and without this strategy in place a company will not have a focus to stay on top of things. For a company to run effectively and efficiently they set up controls to ensure they are achieving their goals for the organization. This process consist of establishing performance standards, measuring performance, comparing performance against standards, and deciding whether corrective action is required or if performance should be rewarded. The first process is the performance standards which is the beginning step. During this process they are measuring the effectiveness. Standards are set and analyzed in this process. The next step is the measuring performance which is done on a regular basis. The third step is comaring measured perfomace agaisnt established standards which five outcomes are possible:exceed, met, missed slightly, missed and badly missed. The last step is the evaluation process where managers notice success of performances. They give rewards of goals that were met which include acknowledgement by others, bonuses and good ratings, increase in pay and moving up in the organization.
The three types of control are the preliminary control which help to control quality and quantity of resources and try to fix the issue before it enter the system.The next is the screening control that regulates operations. The Last control is the feedback which deals with the financial part the output.
For a organization to function effectively they need to have controls into place to insure efficiency.

RESPONSE 2

Four steps of control and the way they are treated in an organization, establishing performance standards which give the company an insight on how things will work from the beginning to the end, involves carefully collecting information about a system, process, person, or group of individuals to make necessary decisions about the` company. Measuring performance is the second step of control it deals with the type and effort that one puts into the group to make them feel as if they are a part of the organization, sometimes it is impossible to measure performance, most companies may measure performance by using testing or evaluation within the enterprise.
The third step of control was comparing the performance how to decide whether you consider doing the same type of function. The competitor can use alternative ways enacts more efficient financial scrutiny. The last step of monitoring evaluation and corrective action managers must determine what changes, if any are necessary and how to apply the to the group, frequently the workers and managers are often empowered to evaluate the own performance.
The thing that brings control to the organization is the three forms of operational control group preliminary when performance standards are met or nearly met, maintaining the status quo the current course of action may be the best response. Screening for any organization will cause you to go in depth of finding anything that seems to be out of place, analysis of the problem, make sure thing are well-balanced or fully developed. Any feedback an organization receive will eventually create good business. There must be a reason when being in business people will want to continue to come, the reaction that a company receives help the organization with the pros and cons, feedback will not always be perfect you should be able to control the negative as well as the active.

Discussion 2

Financial Controls

What is the primary financial control tool used to manage the operations of an organization and how can it equip managers with the information they need to make decisions? How are financial controls different for a global organization? Provide three examples.

Guided Response:

Respond to at least two of your classmates’ posts. Evaluate their discussions by agreeing, disagreeing, or adding other ideas to strengthen or enhance the perspectives presented in their initial posts.

THIS IS THE TO PARAGRAPH YOU DO A SHORT RESPONSE TO.

RESPONSE 1

There are several financial control tools which are budgetary control, analyzing financial statements, financial audits etc. But the primary financial control tool used to manage the operation of an organization would be budget. A budget is an annual, formal, written plan that directs future operations in financial terms (Bierman, Ferrell, & Ferrell, 2016). Budgets provides a procedure for measuring performance across different units within the organization. Budget help you keep up with resource status in the organization so you can evaluate the performance of managers and units. Budgets also help managers compare budgets figures with actual performance for calculating the variances. I don’t think financial control differ a whole lot for global organization, it just has a little more expected because of it expansion.

RESPONSE 2

According to our text, “organizations typically use a number of financial control techniques, many of which are beyond the scope of this book” (Bierman, Ferrell & Ferrell, 2016). The organization uses what is known as budgets to help with financial planning for the company. The budget is what the organization uses to help them control the financial need of the company. The company that I work for has a budget that is allowed for the purchasing of supplies and materials that are needed for the teachers in the classroom. Each month the company have a budget that they have to meet and stay within.Some classes like the pre-k classrooms budget is a little more than the other classes because of the need is greater. In a global organization the financial control is different due to the extensive financial need of the company. The organization has more financial responsibilities to meet. The budget plan if different because of all the companies involved in the budget.

 

 
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Week #3 Assignment Onboarding HRMD630

Week 3 Assignment – OnboardingInstructions

The first written assignment for this course is due in Week 3 and requires you to draw upon what you have learned in the first 3 weeks of class to analyze the total rewards system offered by two well-known organizations, L.L. Bean and Aflac.

To complete the assignment, you will need to read the Society for Human Resource Management (SHRM) case study,Benefits and Business at Aflac and L.L. Bean, that is posted at the bottom of this page. After reading the case study, you are to answer the questions below. Be sure to incorporate appropriate scholarly and practitioner references to support your key ideas. The total length of your assignment should be no more than 5-6 pages, not including the cover page and reference list. The assignment is worth 100 points and 20% of your total grade. It will be scored according to the corresponding grading rubric that is posted at the end of this page.

Case Study Questions. Pick one of the companies presented in the SHRM case study, either Aflac or L.L. Bean, and answer the following:

  1. Think about the internal strengths and weaknesses of the company. How, if at all, did the firm respond to these factors from a total rewards perspective? 25 points
  2. Consider the external opportunities and threats of the company. How, if at all, did the firm respond to these factors from a total rewards perspective? 25 points
  3. Given the corporate values of the organization, what revisions would you make to its benefits program in order to better align it with the accomplishment of the company’s organizational goals and values? 50 points

1st Assignment Benefits at AFLAC and LLBean.pdf

rubric:

 

Written Assignment Grading Rubric

 

A

B

C

F

 

Response Quality

50 points/50%

Student directly addresses main question or issue, and   adds new insight to the subject not provided in lectures, readings, or class   discussions. Student has retained   nearly all of the knowledge presented in class, and is able to synthesize   this knowledge in new ways and relate to material not covered in the course.

Student competently addresses main question or issue, but   does not add much new insight into the subject. That said, it is clear that the student has   learned a great deal and is able to communicate this knowledge to   others.

Student attempts to address main question or issue, but   fails. The student has retained some   information from the course, but does not fully understand its meaning or   context and cannot clearly convey it to others.

Student does not address main question or issue, and it is   obvious that the student has not retained pertinent information from the   course or is not able to clearly convey that information to others.

 

Evidence

20 points/20%

Provides compelling and accurate evidence that convinces   reader to accept main argument (s). The importance/relevance of all pieces of evidence is clearly   stated. There are no gaps in   reasoning—i.e., the reader does not need to assume anything or do additional   research to accept main argument.

Provides necessary evidence to convince reader of most   aspects of the main argument(s) but not all. The importance/ relevance of some evidence presented may not be   totally clear. Reader must make a few mental leaps or do some additional   research to fully accept all aspects of main argument.

Not enough evidence is provided to support student’s   argument(s), or evidence is incomplete, incorrect, or oversimplified. Information from reference material is not   effectively used.

Either no evidence is provided, or there are numerous   factual mistakes, omissions or oversimplifications. There is little or no mention of   information from reference material.

 

Sources

10 points/10%

Evidence is used from a wide range of sources, including   scholarly material, appropriate websites, professional articles, etc. not   explicitly discussed in class.

Evidence is used from many sources, but student relies   heavily on a more limited set of sources. Some effort is made to go beyond material presented in class when   required, but not much. If outside   sources are used, they are primarily non-scholarly (i.e., intended for a   general audience) and/or web-based.

Does not go beyond the material that has been provided by   professor.

Only minimally uses sources provided by instructor, or   relies exclusively on non-scholarly outside sources.

 

A

B

C

F

 

Citations

10 points/10%

All sources are properly cited according to APA format.

All evidence is cited, but there are some minor problems   with completeness or APA format of some citations.

Some pieces of the assignment are unreferenced or   inaccurately referenced, and there are problems with completeness and APA   format of citations.

No attempt is made to cite evidence.

 

Clarity and Style

10 points/10%

All sentences are grammatically correct and clearly   written. No words are misused or   unnecessarily verbose. Technical   terms, words from other languages, and words from other historical periods are   always explained. All information is   accurate and up-to-date.

All sentences are grammatically correct and clearly   written. An occasional word is misused   or unnecessary. Technical terms, words   from other languages, and words from other historical periods are usually,   but not always, explained. All   information is accurate and up-to-date. Paper contains no more than a few minor errors, which do not adversely   affect the reader’s ability to understand the student’s writing.

A few sentences are grammatically incorrect or not clearly   written. Several words are   misused. Technical terms, words from   other languages, and words from other historical periods are rarely   explained. Paper contains several   errors that impair the reader’s ability to understand what is written.

Paper is full of grammatical errors and bad writing. Several words are misused. Technical terms, words from other   languages, and words from other historical periods are rarely explained. Paper contains numerous errors that make it   difficult for the reader to understand the writing.

 
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Case Study

10-107 September 10, 2010

This case was prepared by Professors Deborah Ancona, MIT Sloan School of Management and David Caldwell, Santa Clara University, Leavey School of Business.

Copyright © 2010, Deborah Ancona and David Caldwell. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution- Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 Unported License. To view a copy of this license visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, 171 Second Street, Suite 300, San Francisco, California, 94105, USA.

Chris Peterson at DSS Consulting Deborah Ancona and David Caldwell

Late Thursday afternoon, Chris Peterson was reflecting on the meeting she would have tomorrow with her boss, Meg Cooke. The purpose of the meeting was to give Meg an update on the status of the integrated budget and planning system her team had been working on over the last six months and plans for the team to begin marketing this system and other new DSS consulting services to clients. Overall, Chris was quite pleased with the work her team had done. The team had been formed as part of a strategic change, including a somewhat controversial re-organization at DSS. The changes and new structure had created dissatisfaction and a fair amount of anxiety among many of DSS’s consultants, but Chris felt her team had overcome their concerns to become a very effective group. They had worked together well, avoided the conflicts that often plague these kinds of teams, and generally maintained a high level of motivation and satisfaction. Most of all, Chris was proud of the work her team had done. They had created a budget and planning system that the team believed would be embraced by DSS’s clients. The team had not gotten much support from other groups at DSS in developing the system, so team members had done much of the technical work on their own that would have normally been done by support people in the company. Despite this, Chris was very pleased with the system and looked forward to sharing her team’s accomplishments with Meg.

DSS Consulting

DSS Consulting was formed in 1997 to provide administrative support to small school districts primarily in the mid-west and mountain west. The company was founded by three retired school district administrators to help small school districts that had limited staff deal with difficult and somewhat specialized administrative problems, such as negotiating labor agreements or setting up procurement systems.

 

 

CHRIS PETERSON AT DSS CONSULTING Deborah Ancona and David Caldwell

September 10, 2010 2

During the late 1990s, DSS grew rapidly as small school districts faced more complex challenges and pressures to cut costs, particularly in administration. In response to this growth, DSS organized itself into four practice departments—Procurement and Systems, Information Technology, Contract Negotiation, and Facilities Planning—to deal with different types of engagements. Business came primarily through contacts the five founders had developed. Once DSS was engaged, the project would be referred to the head of the appropriate practice group who would assign consultants to the project. By 2005, a number of changes had begun to affect DSS. First, the founders were cutting back their involvement in the company. As a result, management decisions were being passed on to new leaders, including people hired from other consulting companies. In addition, since much of DSS’s business was generated through contacts established by the founders, their reduced involvement was creating a need for new marketing strategies. Second, the types of problems for which districts were looking for help were becoming more diverse and often didn’t fit clearly into a specific practice area. The increasing complexities districts were facing were both reducing the need for the relatively straightforward projects DSS had been working on and creating demands for new types of services. Finally, state standards for school districts were diverging from one another, so that certain issues were more important in one region than in another. All of these changes led to stagnation in revenue growth for DSS. Because of these changes, the founders decided that a shift in strategy would be necessary for DSS to continue to grow and be successful. As a first step, they promoted Meg Cooke to the position of Chief Operating Officer. Meg had joined DSS in the Contract Negotiation group about four years earlier after spending time with a larger east coast firm. Two years after joining DSS, she had been promoted to head the Contract Negotiation group. The founders and Meg had concluded that if DSS was to continue to be successful, it would need to expand beyond its traditional customer base of small districts and offer services to larger districts much more than it had in the past. They felt that accomplishing this would require developing new services and reorganizing into a more cross- functional, customer-focused organization. A major part of the strategic change involved reorganizing DSS from a purely practice-oriented functional structure to a hybrid structure. Most of the consultants would now be assigned to new cross-functional teams that would be responsible for marketing and delivering services to districts within a particular geographic region. The practice groups were maintained to provide specialized expertise to support the cross-functional teams in their work but with many fewer staff members than in the past.

The new cross-functional teams were given two responsibilities. Over the long run, the teams were to build relationships with the school districts in their regions and provide a full range of DSS consulting services to those districts. The teams were also to develop new consulting offerings in response to district needs. The expectations were that the cross-functional teams would eliminate the functional

 

 

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“silos” that constrained the services DSS could provide and help DSS develop services that could be sold to larger districts. Both these were seen as crucial steps in the plan to grow DSS.

Chris Peterson and the Southwest Region Team

Chris Peterson joined DSS in 2001. She started her career as a high school teacher in a small school district in Iowa. When the district began to deploy personal computers, she was asked to head up the implementation in her school. The process went so smoothly that she was asked to give up classroom teaching and work full-time for the district in rolling out technology across all the schools. After five years in that job she joined DSS as a consultant in the Information Technology group. She rose to the position of project manager in the group and had been very successful in leading consulting projects. When the decision was made to reorganize into cross-functional teams, Chris was seen as a “natural” to lead one of the teams and was assigned to head the Southwest Region team. Chris looked on her new assignment with a mixture of excitement and apprehension. Much of the excitement came from the opportunity to lead a permanent team rather than coordinate individuals for short consulting projects. Her apprehension came in large part because of some uncertainties about how the new strategy would unfold. Chris was aware that many people were ambivalent about the new strategy and uncertain about the necessity of the change and whether or not it was likely to be successful. The result of this was that there was a great deal of anxiety among many consultants about the future of DSS and their roles in the new structure. Chris also suspected that the strategy was still evolving and might change as management got a sense of how well the new organization was working. One of the decisions that Meg had made about the new teams was that the team leaders ought to have a great deal of flexibility in inviting people to join their teams. Chris welcomed this opportunity. In thinking about who she wanted for the team, she considered two factors. First, she wanted people who had good skills and were experienced in the DSS consulting process. Second, she felt she needed people who would be able to work together well. She believed this would be important because of both the nature of the work to be done and her fear that the anxiety created by the change would boil over into dissatisfaction if people had trouble working together. Chris gave a great deal of thought about who to ask to join the Southwest Region team. She decided that one thing that would help the group work together smoothly would be to select people who already had some experience in working with one another. Overall, Chris was quite happy with the team she was able to put together. She ended up asking two consultants each from Contract Negotiations, Procurement and Systems, and Information Technology, and one consultant from the Facilities group to join the team, all of whom accepted. Even though the consultants had not worked on specific projects with each other in the past, they knew one another and had a great deal in common. Nearly all of them had worked on DSS’s annual Habitat for Humanity project and all had started at DSS at about the same time. Many members of the group socialized with one another

 

 

CHRIS PETERSON AT DSS CONSULTING Deborah Ancona and David Caldwell

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outside of work. At the first group meeting Chris realized that her strategy had worked well. Two of the consultants marveled about how nice it would be to work with people who were both very competent and friends as well. Another consultant mentioned that he didn’t know many people at DSS other than the members of his new team and he was really looking forward to the project. Like most DSS consultants, members of Chris’s new team had some questions about the new strategy and leadership; however all believed that their new team had tremendous potential.

Beginning the Work

As DSS was making the transition to the new structure, consultants continued to finish existing projects even as they began working with their new teams. Chris believed it was very important that her team members be located together as soon as possible even though the team would not be working together full-time right away. She believed that co-locating the team would allow the group to get a quick start on the major deliverable of developing new products for DSS and prevent the group from getting distracted by some of the uncertainties created by the new structure. Chris was able to identify some space and a plan that could bring the full team together. Since none of the other new team managers felt as strongly about the co-location of their teams as Chris did, Meg allowed Chris’s team to move together before the other teams did. Once the team got settled into its new location, they quickly got to work. Chris believed that the first issue for the team would be to share their experiences and use their collective knowledge to identify one or more potential new products, and that her initial job would be to help the group pull together their experiences. The group had a number of meetings over the next month discussing their perspectives. Chris was very pleased with what happened in the meetings. The team members seemed comfortable sharing information with one another. If a disagreement emerged, the team dealt with it without creating animosity or substantial delay. Chris was particularly pleased when two of the team members told her that this was one of the best groups they had ever been a part of. Even though they were from different functional areas, the team members found that they had very similar experiences in dealing with districts. All of them had at least one story about how they had been delayed in a project because the people they were working with in the district were not able to get accurate data about budgets or long term plans. What emerged from the discussions was that small districts seemed to lack any integrated system for linking plans and budgets over time. The superintendent of the district seemed to be the only person who knew everything that was going on and if he or she was not available it was difficult to get timely information. The team concluded that what small districts needed was an integrated system for planning and budgeting. Although most large districts had the systems or the human resources to do this, the costs were prohibitive for a small district. The team determined, therefore, that a scaled down system could provide the level of planning small districts needed at a price they could afford. Further, this project both excited the team and was something they felt they could do well.

 

 

CHRIS PETERSON AT DSS CONSULTING Deborah Ancona and David Caldwell

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Planning the New Product

As members of the team began finishing the consulting projects they had been working on, they were able to devote more time to developing specifications for the new system. The majority of the team were now spending nearly all their time working with one another and saw less and less of the other consultants who were not on the team. Occasionally people would bring up what other consultants had said their teams were doing, but this seldom generated much interest and was sometimes seen as almost a distraction to the group. At this point in time, Chris had two primary goals for the team. First, she wanted to keep the group focused on the jobs of defining the new system and determining exactly how DSS consultants would use it. Second, she wanted to help the group avoid distractions and continue to build cohesion. In addition to working with the team, Chris tried to deal with people outside the group. She had developed friendships with two superintendents in small districts and when she saw them, she took the opportunity to describe the system her team was developing. Generally, the feedback she received was positive and she relayed this to her team. Chris also met occasionally with Meg to update her on the project; however these meetings were generally short. Chris observed that some of the other team leaders spent more time meeting with Meg than she did, but she didn’t see that there was much need for her to do so, given the progress her team was making.

Developing the Planning and Budgeting System

Once the specific design of the proposed budget and planning system was complete, Chris felt it was time to share the work of the team with others. She took a detailed description of the program out to a number of districts she had worked with in the past and asked for comments. She also emailed the program description to Meg and some of the DSS functional specialists who would have to provide some technical support in developing the consulting protocols and specifying parts of the code for managing the data base. The conversations with people in the districts were informative and more-or-less positive. While generally expressing support for the new system, people in the districts raised some specific questions. Many of the comments or questions were about how the system would deal with issues that were unique to a district. A few questions emerged about the price of the product and how it would differ from other products already on the market. When Chris took these comments back to the group they tried to modify the initial design and specifications of the program to meet the concerns that were raised. This worked well in the short run, but as more comments came in, the group began to flounder as the team tried to adapt the design to meet many of the questions from outsiders. The reactions from others inside DSS were different from those in the districts. Most of the functional specialists who received descriptions of the project simply acknowledged receiving them but did not offer any real comments. Meg responded by asking a couple of questions and saying that

 

 

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she and Chris would talk more about it later. Overall, the group was pleased with these responses; no one had raised any objections to the program design or identified any difficulties that would slow the project down. As the group worked to change the project specifications in response to the comments coming in from the districts, Chris felt that the effective process the group had developed was beginning to break down. There were disagreements about how important various comments actually were and progress in finalizing the specifications seemed to slow. Team members began to voice more concerns than they had in the past about the direction DSS was going and question whether the team would be able to accomplish its task. Chris decided that something needed to be done to get the group back on track. She cancelled work on the next Friday and had the whole team meet at a nearby nature preserve. After a hike, the group returned to Chris’s house for a barbeque lunch. Following lunch, the members spent the rest of the afternoon discussing how they were performing and what they needed to do to finish designing the project. Overall, this seemed to work quite well. When the team got back to work on Monday, they quickly finalized the specifications and identified the steps that would be necessary to actually develop the product and consulting protocols. The team turned its attention to completing the project. The project had four components: a database program provided by a third-party vendor; a program for putting information into the database program written by an outside consulting firm; a set of forms districts would use to organize information about schedules and budgets; and a set of instructions for consultants to use in helping districts use the program and its results. The team split into sub-groups to work on pieces of the final project. Putting together the forms and developing instructions for consultants were the most challenging parts of the project. Both of these tasks required detailed knowledge about the different types of projects districts might undertake. Although members of the team had the knowledge and experience to complete most of this work, they often found that they needed to draw on the specialized knowledge of the DSS specialists in the practice groups. When a specific question came up that the team could not answer, one member of the Southwest team would either email a question or have a face-to-face meeting with the specialist. This worked well for simple issues but not for more complex problems. When team members tried to get functional specialists to spend time working on these more complex problems, they were often not given much help and were occasionally rebuffed. Chris found that she often had to go directly to the manager of the practice area to try to get support. Even this didn’t always work. One event typified the problem Chris was experiencing. She met with the head of Contract Negotiation to identify the specific information about a district’s employees that would need to be entered into the program. He told Chris that he would ask one of his specialists to work on it with the team. When one member of Chris’s team contacted the specialist, he was told that this project had not been built into her schedule and that she would not be able to help him until other things got done.

 

 

CHRIS PETERSON AT DSS CONSULTING Deborah Ancona and David Caldwell

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When Chris learned of this she scheduled a meeting with Meg to discuss the difficulty her team was having in getting support. From Chris’s perspective, the meeting with Meg did not go particularly well. Meg seemed sympathetic to the difficulty Chris was having getting support and suggested that she could keep working with the practice group managers to get the final elements of the project completed. Chris had hoped that Meg would take more direct action. When Chris reported back to the team, the overall reaction by team members was negative. There were a number of comments about how decisions at DSS seemed to be more “political” under the new organization and how the “new Meg” seemed to be playing favorites.

Finishing the Project

Despite the difficulty in getting support from others in the organization, Chris knew that the project was close to completion and could still be a success in the market. Chris conveyed this to her team. She reminded them that even if they were not getting the type of support they would like, they had the experience necessary to finish the program on their own. Chris’s optimism was contagious. The team increased their efforts and did independent research to fill in their own knowledge gaps. The project came together quickly and within 10 days the team had a full product ready for beta testing. A few weeks earlier, Chris had recruited a district that would be willing to serve as a test site and a date was scheduled for the team to go into the district to demonstrate the product.

The Meeting with Meg Cooke

As Chris came into work on Friday morning, she thought back over the last few months and was quite pleased. The group had done a terrific job of specifying and developing a new product that was ready for a beta test. Initially her team members had doubts about the new strategy and their new roles but they had overcome those, and some real obstacles, to finish the assignment. Chris was looking forward to sharing this with Meg. From Chris’s perspective, the Friday morning meeting with Meg started off very well. Chris outlined the progress her team had made on the integrated budget and planning system. She spoke about how she was managing the beta test for the program and of the positive comments she was getting from the district. She also talked about how effective her team was. They worked together very well, were cohesive, and made decisions easily and quickly. Chris also mentioned that a number of the team members had not supported the reorganization at first but despite that had invested a great deal of effort in making the team and project work and were now committed to the new direction for DSS. In particular, Chris complimented the team members on their initiative in finishing the project even when they didn’t have a great deal of help from the specialists in the practice groups. Meg thanked Chris for all the hard work on the project and mentioned that she had heard very positive things about Chris’s leadership from members of the Southwest Region team. Meg then shifted the conversation and asked Chris for a report about the types of services districts in her region might be looking for DSS to provide in the future and whether some of the other projects the DSS

 

 

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regional teams were working on would be of interest to the districts. Chris responded that she had a general idea of what the other teams had been working on but did not feel she had sufficient information to present them to districts at this time. She went on to say that her team had focused on their project and that the plan was for them to go out and meet with all districts in the region after the project was in a beta test so that they would have something specific to discuss. She reassured Meg that although she did not have a clear answer to the question right now, she would in the near future. Meg then asked Chris how she saw the integrated budget and planning system being marketed to large school districts given that most of them already seemed to have either systems or personnel to do this. Chris responded that she understood the concern and that, at this point in time, large districts might not be interested in the system in its current form. She went to say that as the system was modified and expanded it would very likely be of interest to larger districts. After this, Chris and Meg exchanged a few pleasantries and the meeting ended.

The Monday Morning Meeting

When Chris arrived for work on Monday morning she found that she had a message from Meg asking if they could meet for coffee at 10:30. Chris was curious about the meeting, but quickly responded that she would be available, and the two agreed to meet at a nearby coffee shop. After getting coffee and talking a bit about the weekend, Meg told Chris that after reviewing her team’s project and its potential, she had decided that DSS would not go forward with the scheduling and budgeting project. When Chris asked for the reasons for this decision, Meg replied that the number of new products DSS could support was limited and that teams in the other regions had not reported any interest on the part of the districts they had worked with for this type of product. Meg also said that she was concerned that the project would not be of interest to the large districts. Chris responded that she certainly understood the issue about large districts but did not agree with Meg’s observation. She went on to say that she did not understand how other regional teams could say that there would not be a demand for the product when they did not even know what the planning and scheduling system could do. Meg said that she appreciated Chris’s concerns but that the decision to cancel the project was final. An awkward silence followed this last exchange. After a moment or two, Meg said that there was one more thing left to discuss. She said that the Southwest Region Team would focus exclusively on marketing DSS products and not be involved in product development work in the future and that there would be some change to the composition of the team. Meg ended by asking Chris if she was prepared to lead the group in a new direction or if she would be more comfortable and successful returning to the IT practice group as a functional specialist.

 
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HRM/498 v5

Signature Assignment: Strategic HRM Planning Scenario

HRM/498 v5

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Signature Assignment: Strategic HRM Planning Scenario

Scenario

Janet is the newly appointed HR Representative with Global Plastics, Inc. This organization operates in the United States, Europe, and Asia and has fared worse than its competitors during a recent economic downturn. Janet’s predecessor retired after leading a major reduction in force, causing a significant exodus of key talent. With revenue, quality, and productivity down, management set several goals to address the human resources component of the company’s strategic plan:

· quickly re-invent the Human Resources function

· reposition it as a strategic partner to the business

· improve employee perceptions of her department

· retain top talent and develop a steady but highly-qualified stream of candidates to fill regular as well as critical positions

In her first month on the job Janet discovered the following issues:

· The recent departure of several mission-critical employees disclosed no systematic means of capturing expertise from employees; when they left, their knowledge left with them.

· HR’s participation in the onboarding process of new employees was limited to having them attend a half-day orientation session where, between a video and a slide presentation about the company, they filled out benefits-related, payroll, ID and other paper forms. The new employees departed the session with little understanding of the mission and the respective role they each play in supporting and moving the mission forward.

· Aside from providing a coordinating function, human resources had outsourced recruiting to third parties who presented candidates based on their internet postings and other sources. No matter the level of the open position, human resources rarely conducted interviews or assessments before or after handing over the resumes from the outsourced recruiter to the appropriate hiring department. Human Resources would get involved again only when a candidate was selected.

· Training and Development (T&D) had largely been outsourced to several companies that provided generic on-line courses. The assessment of these courses added little value to the employee’s respective position.

· Job titles didn’t reflect the work people did, and were used instead as a framework for budgeting and compensation. Many employees were doing unique work requiring different knowledge and skills.

· Job descriptions were inconsistent, long but vague lists consisting of high level duties, responsibilities, and qualifications.

· The Performance Employee Evaluation Program didn’t align with anything, was viewed by managers and individual contributors alike as a burdensome annual chore that interfered with people’s “real jobs.”

· Attracting the top talent remains a continual challenge especially in its overseas operations. The turnover rate remains 20% higher than at Global Plastics US divisions.

· OSHA violations continued to increase over the past 24 months even after the organization committed to reduce the number of workplace safety incidents.

Copyright ® 2019 by University of Phoenix. All rights reserved.

Copyright ® 2019 by University of Phoenix. All rights reserved.

 
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5-2 Assignment: Questions For The Negotiating Session

  • For this assignment, develop four questions that could be asked of Alice Jones, senior Netflix executive, during an upcoming negotiation session. This information should be helpful in crafting an integrative bargaining proposal, i.e., a win-win situation that increases the likelihood of reaching a mutually beneficial outcome.
  • In other words, it meets, as best as possible, the extrinsic and intrinsic interests of both parties.
  • Specifically, you should keep these criteria in mind:
  1. Create questions that will obtain information about Alice Jones’ interests in the bargaining session. They should cover all four categories: open, closed, alternative, and leading, as defined below. Possible questions could explore Alice Jones’ short- and long-term career plans, personal interests, and any personal challenges she may be facing. In other words, you are trying to determine Alice Jones’ zone of potential agreement (ZOPA) and her best alternative to a negotiated agreement (BATNA).
    • Open-Ended or Socratic Questions—Begin with who, what, when, where, how, and why. Example: “Why aren’t you taking some time off?”
    • Closed Questions—Can be answered with “yes” or “no.” Example: “Are you ready to begin?”
    • Alternative Questions—Offer the listener a choice with a few options. Example: “Do you want to start the meeting at 3:00 or 4:00?”
    • Leading Questions—Are aimed at soliciting a particular point of view. Example: “The new vacation policy is very fair, don’t you think?”
  2. Make sure the parameters of your questions are within acceptable legal limits, e.g., avoiding topics such as age, marital status, any disabilities, religion, race, pregnancy-related questions. For legal advice, click on this Investopedia link: 8 Things Employers Aren’t Allowed To Ask You. A closed caption version of this video can be found Here.
  3. Compare and contrast the value of each type of question and whether it will advance an integrative bargaining position. Refer to the following link for an excellent guide on integrative bargaining and crafting questions that identify interests of the other party: Integrative or Interest-Based Bargaining.
  4. Explain the possible impact of each question, including whether it would improve the likelihood of success during the discussion(s) and how it would be perceived. In other words, how will the questions be perceived? Will they seem manipulative? Fair? Biased?
 
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10-1 Small Group Discussion: Presentation Peer

In 8 to 10 slides with voice narration, provide a brief overview of the situation and, using the key concepts from your strategic communication case study, the steps that can be taken to remedy the issues. The audience for your presentation is your peers, and the goal of the presentation is to convince your audience that your communications will best address the problem you identified in the case study. Introduce the problem your communications are going to address and use the following sections of your final project to persuade your peers:

  • Goals
  • Justification
  • Types of internal and external communications
  • Mediums for both communications
  • Target audiences and cultural considerations
  • Potential sources of conflict
  • Alignment with mission, vision, and goals
  • Measurement—internal and external

Note: Although all of this information will be derived from the work you have done for your final project, be sure to revise the content for the purpose of the presentation and do not simply copy and paste.

In addition to your presentation, post a reflection on your experience in this course and in developing your final project, including the lessons you learned and how you plan to apply them in your personal or professional life.

In response to your peers’ presentations, provide feedback on the following elements:

  • Appropriateness of the presentation for audience and assignment
  • Clarity of text and narration
  • Tone
  • Support and details
  • Organization and transition
  • Design and layout contributed to the effectiveness of the presentation (i.e., few or no distracting elements)

In addition, respond to the following questions:

  • What was done particularly well?
  • What is one suggestion you have for future presentations?
  • Did you learn something new from your peer’s presentation or find anything particularly helpful or interesting?
 
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International HR Principles

Assignment Content

  1. Your team of interns has been tasked with looking into countries where Southwest can expand. Your team needs to review human resource management principles from some of the countries listed below to determine if the country is a good fit for the organization.Countries to include:
    • Mexico
    • Canada
    • France
    • Japan
    • China
    • India
    • Each person will select a country and be its representative. NOTE: Just do one country per team member. If you have four members, for example, just cover four countries from the list. Provide your group with your newfound expertise of human resource principles for your selected country. Consider information about the following:
    • Recruitment practices
    • Payment systems
    • Labor relations
    • Training and support
    • As a team, create a 5- to 7-slide presentation for management that features your research and recommendation on where the organization should expand. Include detailed speaker notes so any member of your team could present if needed. Include citations in APA format (not included in slide count).Review the following sources to assist with your presentation:
    1. Hofstede Insights Country Comparison: Type in “United States” and the desired other country to compare 6 dimensions of culture.
    2. World Economic Forum Country Economic profiles: Search for a specific country.
    3. Submit your presentation.
 
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