Multicontextual Life Cycle homework help

Multicontextual Life Cycle homework help

In this assignment, you will explain the Multicontextual Life Cycle Framework as well as completing a self-genogram of your family system. Complete the “Multicontextual Life Cycle Framework” worksheet. This assignment assesses the following programmatic competency: 6.1: Analyze the forms and functions of families at different developmental stages.

In order to analyze a family system, it is important to understand the multisystem structure. This assignment will help you learn this concept.

First, create a self-genogram of your family system, looking at it through the multisystem lens. Complete your family’s genogram and discuss your family system in terms of the family life cycle.

The genogram can be handwritten and scanned, done as a PDF, or done using Word tools to ensure it can be uploaded to LoudCloud. You can also go to the following site or another similar genogram site of your choice to download the GenPro software.

http://www.genopro.com/

Use the different phases listed in Figure 1.5 of the textbook to look at both the emotional process of transition and the second order tasks (If you have a large family, pick six to eight key individuals including yourself to discuss). Relate this to what your family members are going through in their lives presently (you can include key moments of the past – someone passing away, going through cancer treatment, miscarriage, etc.):

  • All family members
  • Include ages (if known), marriages, divorces, deaths
  • Substance use identified
  • Mental illness identified
  • All relationship dynamics

MHW-522: Multicontextual Life Cycle Framework Assignment

In order to understand the changes in the life span/developmental theory within the last few decades, complete the tables, explaining the stages and phases of the family life cycle including the second order tasks.

Use the textbook, assigned readings, and two to four additional scholarly sources to defend your answers.

Family Life Cycle Stage Key Principles of Emotional Process of Transition Second-Order Changes Required to Proceed Developmentally
Young Children    
Adolescents    
Young Adults    
Middle Adults    
Older Adults    

 

Next, complete the following table that focuses on Family Life Cycle Phases.

Family Life Cycle Phase Key Principles of Emotional Process of Transition Second-Order Changes Required to Proceed Developmentally
Emerging Young Adults    
Newly Married Couples    
Families with Young Children    
Families with Adolescents    
Middle Aged families dealing with retirement    
Families dealing End of Life Issues    

 

Reflection Questions:

After completing the tables, explain the possible cultural factors that play a major role in how families transition through the life cycle. (150-200 words)

 

Select two stages from the tables. Explain how society has influenced the changes in the life span/developmental theory of the selected stages. (200-250 words)

 

Select two of the life phases. For the selected phases, include feminist theory, patriarchy/gender expectations, social class, and economically fragile families in explaining the changes in these phases over the decades. (300-400 words)

 

 

References:

© 2016. Grand Canyon University. All Rights Reserved.

 

© 2016. Grand Canyon University. All Rights Reserved.

 
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Psychology Reliability homework help

Psychology Reliability homework help

Modules Chapter 5 wk2 p655

 

C H A P T E R  5

Reliability

In everyday conversation, reliability is a synonym for dependability or consistency. We speak of the train that is so reliable you can set your watch by it. If we’re lucky, we have a reliable friend who is always there for us in a time of need.

Broadly speaking, in the language of psychometrics reliability refers to consistency in measurement. And whereas in everyday conversation reliability always connotes something positive, in the psychometric sense it really only refers to something that is consistent—not necessarily consistently good or bad, but simply consistent.

It is important for us, as users of tests and consumers of information about tests, to know how reliable tests and other measurement procedures are. But reliability is not an all-or-none matter. A test may be reliable in one context and unreliable in another. There are different types and degrees of reliability. A  reliability coefficient  is an index of reliability, a proportion that indicates the ratio between the true score variance on a test and the total variance. In this chapter, we explore different kinds of reliability coefficients, including those for measuring test-retest reliability, alternate-forms reliability, split-half reliability, and inter-scorer reliability.

The Concept of Reliability

Recall from our discussion of classical test theory that a score on an ability test is presumed to reflect not only the testtaker’s true score on the ability being measured but also error.1 In its broadest sense, error refers to the component of the observed test score that does not have to do with the testtaker’s ability. If we use X to represent an observed score, T to represent a true score, and E to represent error, then the fact that an observed score equals the true score plus error may be expressed as follows:

 

A statistic useful in describing sources of test score variability is the  variance  (σ2)—the standard deviation squared. This statistic is useful because it can be broken into components. Page 142Variance from true differences is  true variance , and variance from irrelevant, random sources is  error variance . If σ2 represents the total variance, the true variance, and the error variance, then the relationship of the variances can be expressed as

 

In this equation, the total variance in an observed distribution of test scores (σ2) equals the sum of the true variance  plus the error variance . The term  reliability  refers to the proportion of the total variance attributed to true variance. The greater the proportion of the total variance attributed to true variance, the more reliable the test. Because true differences are assumed to be stable, they are presumed to yield consistent scores on repeated administrations of the same test as well as on equivalent forms of tests. Because error variance may increase or decrease a test score by varying amounts, consistency of the test score—and thus the reliability—can be affected.

In general, the term  measurement error  refers to, collectively, all of the factors associated with the process of measuring some variable, other than the variable being measured. To illustrate, consider an English-language test on the subject of 12th-grade algebra being administered, in English, to a sample of 12-grade students, newly arrived to the United States from China. The students in the sample are all known to be “whiz kids” in algebra. Yet for some reason, all of the students receive failing grades on the test. Do these failures indicate that these students really are not “whiz kids” at all? Possibly. But a researcher looking for answers regarding this outcome would do well to evaluate the English-language skills of the students. Perhaps this group of students did not do well on the algebra test because they could neither read nor understand what was required of them. In such an instance, the fact that the test was written and administered in English could have contributed in large part to the measurement error in this evaluation. Stated another way, although the test was designed to evaluate one variable (knowledge of algebra), scores on it may have been more reflective of another variable (knowledge of and proficiency in English language). This source of measurement error (the fact that the test was written and administered in English) could have been eliminated by translating the test and administering it in the language of the testtakers.

Measurement error, much like error in general, can be categorized as being either systematic or random.  Random error  is a source of error in measuring a targeted variable caused by unpredictable fluctuations and inconsistencies of other variables in the measurement process. Sometimes referred to as “noise,” this source of error fluctuates from one testing situation to another with no discernible pattern that would systematically raise or lower scores. Examples of random error that could conceivably affect test scores range from unanticipated events happening in the immediate vicinity of the test environment (such as a lightning strike or a spontaneous “occupy the university” rally), to unanticipated physical events happening within the testtaker (such as a sudden and unexpected surge in the testtaker’s blood sugar or blood pressure).

JUST THINK . . .

What might be a source of random error inherent in all the tests an assessor administers in his or her private office?

In contrast to random error,  systematic error  refers to a source of error in measuring a variable that is typically constant or proportionate to what is presumed to be the true value of the variable being measured. For example, a 12-inch ruler may be found to be, in actuality, a tenth of one inch longer than 12 inches. All of the 12-inch measurements previously taken with that ruler were systematically off by one-tenth of an inch; that is, anything measured to be exactly 12 inches with that ruler was, in reality, 12 and one-tenth inches. In this example, it is the measuring instrument itself that has been found to be a source of systematic error. Once a systematic error becomes known, it becomes predictable—as well as fixable. Note also that a systematic source of error does not affect score consistency. So, for example, suppose a measuring instrument such as the official weight scale used on The Biggest Loser television Page 143program consistently underweighed by 5 pounds everyone who stepped on it. Regardless of this (systematic) error, the relative standings of all of the contestants weighed on that scale would remain unchanged. A scale underweighing all contestants by 5 pounds simply amounts to a constant being subtracted from every “score.” Although weighing contestants on such a scale would not yield a true (or valid) weight, such a systematic error source would not change the variability of the distribution or affect the measured reliability of the instrument. In the end, the individual crowned “the biggest loser” would indeed be the contestant who lost the most weight—it’s just that he or she would actually weigh 5 pounds more than the weight measured by the show’s official scale. Now moving from the realm of reality television back to the realm of psychological testing and assessment, let’s take a closer look at the source of some error variance commonly encountered during testing and assessment.

JUST THINK . . .

What might be a source of systematic error inherent in all the tests an assessor administers in his or her private office?

Sources of Error Variance

Sources of error variance include test construction, administration, scoring, and/or interpretation.

Test construction

One source of variance during test construction is  item sampling  or  content sampling , terms that refer to variation among items within a test as well as to variation among items between tests. Consider two or more tests designed to measure a specific skill, personality attribute, or body of knowledge. Differences are sure to be found in the way the items are worded and in the exact content sampled. Each of us has probably walked into an achievement test setting thinking “I hope they ask this question” or “I hope they don’t ask that question.” If the only questions on the examination were the ones we hoped would be asked, we might achieve a higher score on that test than on another test purporting to measure the same thing. The higher score would be due to the specific content sampled, the way the items were worded, and so on. The extent to which a testtaker’s score is affected by the content sampled on a test and by the way the content is sampled (that is, the way in which the item is constructed) is a source of error variance. From the perspective of a test creator, a challenge in test development is to maximize the proportion of the total variance that is true variance and to minimize the proportion of the total variance that is error variance.

Test administration

Sources of error variance that occur during test administration may influence the testtaker’s attention or motivation. The testtaker’s reactions to those influences are the source of one kind of error variance. Examples of untoward influences during administration of a test include factors related to the test environment: room temperature, level of lighting, and amount of ventilation and noise, for instance. A relentless fly may develop a tenacious attraction to an examinee’s face. A wad of gum on the seat of the chair may make itself known only after the testtaker sits down on it. Other environment-related variables include the instrument used to enter responses and even the writing surface on which responses are entered. A pencil with a dull or broken point can make it difficult to blacken the little grids. The writing surface on a school desk may be riddled with heart carvings, the legacy of past years’ students who felt compelled to express their eternal devotion to someone now long forgotten. External to the test environment in a global sense, the events of the day may also serve as a source of error. So, for example, test results may vary depending upon whether the testtaker’s country is at war or at peace (Gil et al., 2016). A variable of interest when evaluating a patient’s general level of suspiciousness or fear is the patient’s home neighborhood and lifestyle. Especially in patients who live in and must cope daily with an unsafe neighborhood, Page 144what is actually adaptive fear and suspiciousness can be misinterpreted by an interviewer as psychotic paranoia (Wilson et al., 2016).

Other potential sources of error variance during test administration are testtaker variables. Pressing emotional problems, physical discomfort, lack of sleep, and the effects of drugs or medication can all be sources of error variance. Formal learning experiences, casual life experiences, therapy, illness, and changes in mood or mental state are other potential sources of testtaker-related error variance. It is even conceivable that significant changes in the testtaker’s body weight could be a source of error variance. Weight gain and obesity are associated with a rise in fasting glucose level—which in turn is associated with cognitive impairment. In one study that measured performance on a cognitive task, subjects with high fasting glucose levels made nearly twice as many errors as subjects whose fasting glucose level was in the normal range (Hawkins et al., 2016).

Examiner-related variables are potential sources of error variance. The examiner’s physical appearance and demeanor—even the presence or absence of an examiner—are some factors for consideration here. Some examiners in some testing situations might knowingly or unwittingly depart from the procedure prescribed for a particular test. On an oral examination, some examiners may unwittingly provide clues by emphasizing key words as they pose questions. They might convey information about the correctness of a response through head nodding, eye movements, or other nonverbal gestures. In the course of an interview to evaluate a patient’s suicidal risk, highly religious clinicians may be more inclined than their moderately religious counterparts to conclude that such risk exists (Berman et al., 2015). Clearly, the level of professionalism exhibited by examiners is a source of error variance.

Test scoring and interpretation

In many tests, the advent of computer scoring and a growing reliance on objective, computer-scorable items have virtually eliminated error variance caused by scorer differences. However, not all tests can be scored from grids blackened by no. 2 pencils. Individually administered intelligence tests, some tests of personality, tests of creativity, various behavioral measures, essay tests, portfolio assessment, situational behavior tests, and countless other tools of assessment still require scoring by trained personnel.

Manuals for individual intelligence tests tend to be very explicit about scoring criteria, lest examinees’ measured intelligence vary as a function of who is doing the testing and scoring. In some tests of personality, examinees are asked to supply open-ended responses to stimuli such as pictures, words, sentences, and inkblots, and it is the examiner who must then quantify or qualitatively evaluate responses. In one test of creativity, examinees might be given the task of creating as many things as they can out of a set of blocks. Here, it is the examiner’s task to determine which block constructions will be awarded credit and which will not. For a behavioral measure of social skills in an inpatient psychiatric service, the scorers or raters might be asked to rate patients with respect to the variable “social relatedness.” Such a behavioral measure might require the rater to check yes or no to items like Patient says “Good morning” to at least two staff members.

JUST THINK . . .

Can you conceive of a test item on a rating scale requiring human judgment that all raters will score the same 100% of the time?

Scorers and scoring systems are potential sources of error variance. A test may employ objective-type items amenable to computer scoring of well-documented reliability. Yet even then, a technical glitch might contaminate the data. If subjectivity is involved in scoring, then the scorer (or rater) can be a source of error variance. Indeed, despite rigorous scoring criteria set forth in many of the better-known tests of intelligence, examiner/scorers occasionally still are confronted by situations where an examinee’s response lies in a gray area. The element of subjectivity in scoring may be much greater in the administration of certain nonobjective-type personality tests, tests of creativity (such as the block test just described), and certain academic tests (such as essay examinations). Subjectivity in scoring can even enter into Page 145behavioral assessment. Consider the case of two behavior observers given the task of rating one psychiatric inpatient on the variable of “social relatedness.” On an item that asks simply whether two staff members were greeted in the morning, one rater might judge the patient’s eye contact and mumbling of something to two staff members to qualify as a yes response. The other observer might feel strongly that a no response to the item is appropriate. Such problems in scoring agreement can be addressed through rigorous training designed to make the consistency—or reliability—of various scorers as nearly perfect as can be.

Other sources of error

Surveys and polls are two tools of assessment commonly used by researchers who study public opinion. In the political arena, for example, researchers trying to predict who will win an election may sample opinions from representative voters and then draw conclusions based on their data. However, in the “fine print” of those conclusions is usually a disclaimer that the conclusions may be off by plus or minus a certain percent. This fine print is a reference to the margin of error the researchers estimate to exist in their study. The error in such research may be a result of sampling error—the extent to which the population of voters in the study actually was representative of voters in the election. The researchers may not have gotten it right with respect to demographics, political party affiliation, or other factors related to the population of voters. Alternatively, the researchers may have gotten such factors right but simply did not include enough people in their sample to draw the conclusions that they did. This brings us to another type of error, called methodological error. So, for example, the interviewers may not have been trained properly, the wording in the questionnaire may have been ambiguous, or the items may have somehow been biased to favor one or another of the candidates.

Certain types of assessment situations lend themselves to particular varieties of systematic and nonsystematic error. For example, consider assessing the extent of agreement between partners regarding the quality and quantity of physical and psychological abuse in their relationship. As Moffitt et al. (1997) observed, “Because partner abuse usually occurs in private, there are only two persons who ‘really’ know what goes on behind closed doors: the two members of the couple” (p. 47). Potential sources of nonsystematic error in such an assessment situation include forgetting, failing to notice abusive behavior, and misunderstanding instructions regarding reporting. A number of studies (O’Leary & Arias, 1988; Riggs et al., 1989; Straus, 1979) have suggested that underreporting or overreporting of perpetration of abuse also may contribute to systematic error. Females, for example, may underreport abuse because of fear, shame, or social desirability factors and overreport abuse if they are seeking help. Males may underreport abuse because of embarrassment and social desirability factors and overreport abuse if they are attempting to justify the report.

Just as the amount of abuse one partner suffers at the hands of the other may never be known, so the amount of test variance that is true relative to error may never be known. A so-called true score, as Stanley (1971, p. 361) put it, is “not the ultimate fact in the book of the recording angel.” Further, the utility of the methods used for estimating true versus error variance is a hotly debated matter (see Collins, 1996; Humphreys, 1996; Williams & Zimmerman, 1996a, 1996b). Let’s take a closer look at such estimates and how they are derived.

Reliability Estimates

Test-Retest Reliability Estimates

A ruler made from the highest-quality steel can be a very reliable instrument of measurement. Every time you measure something that is exactly 12 inches long, for example, your ruler will tell you that what you are measuring is exactly 12 inches long. The reliability of this instrument Page 146of measurement may also be said to be stable over time. Whether you measure the 12 inches today, tomorrow, or next year, the ruler is still going to measure 12 inches as 12 inches. By contrast, a ruler constructed of putty might be a very unreliable instrument of measurement. One minute it could measure some known 12-inch standard as 12 inches, the next minute it could measure it as 14 inches, and a week later it could measure it as 18 inches. One way of estimating the reliability of a measuring instrument is by using the same instrument to measure the same thing at two points in time. In psychometric parlance, this approach to reliability evaluation is called the test-retest method, and the result of such an evaluation is an estimate of test-retest reliability.

Test-retest reliability  is an estimate of reliability obtained by correlating pairs of scores from the same people on two different administrations of the same test. The test-retest measure is appropriate when evaluating the reliability of a test that purports to measure something that is relatively stable over time, such as a personality trait. If the characteristic being measured is assumed to fluctuate over time, then there would be little sense in assessing the reliability of the test using the test-retest method.

As time passes, people change. For example, people may learn new things, forget some things, and acquire new skills. It is generally the case (although there are exceptions) that, as the time interval between administrations of the same test increases, the correlation between the scores obtained on each testing decreases. The passage of time can be a source of error variance. The longer the time that passes, the greater the likelihood that the reliability coefficient will be lower. When the interval between testing is greater than six months, the estimate of test-retest reliability is often referred to as the  coefficient of stability .

An estimate of test-retest reliability from a math test might be low if the testtakers took a math tutorial before the second test was administered. An estimate of test-retest reliability from a personality profile might be low if the testtaker suffered some emotional trauma or received counseling during the intervening period. A low estimate of test-retest reliability might be found even when the interval between testings is relatively brief. This may well be the case when the testings occur during a time of great developmental change with respect to the variables they are designed to assess. An evaluation of a test-retest reliability coefficient must therefore extend beyond the magnitude of the obtained coefficient. If we are to come to proper conclusions about the reliability of the measuring instrument, evaluation of a test-retest reliability estimate must extend to a consideration of possible intervening factors between test administrations.

An estimate of test-retest reliability may be most appropriate in gauging the reliability of tests that employ outcome measures such as reaction time or perceptual judgments (including discriminations of brightness, loudness, or taste). However, even in measuring variables such as these, and even when the time period between the two administrations of the test is relatively small, various factors (such as experience, practice, memory, fatigue, and motivation) may intervene and confound an obtained measure of reliability.2

Taking a broader perspective, psychological science, and science in general, demands that the measurements obtained by one experimenter be replicable by other experimenters using the same instruments of measurement and following the same procedures. However, as observed in this chapter’s  Close-Up , a replicability problem of epic proportions appears to be brewing.Page 147

CLOSE-UP

Psychology’s Replicability Crisis*

In the mid-2000s, academic scientists became concerned that science was not being performed rigorously enough to prevent spurious results from reaching consensus within the scientific community. In other words, they worried that scientific findings, although peer-reviewed and published, were not replicable by independent parties. Since that time, hundreds of researchers have endeavored to determine if there is really a problem, and if there is, how to curb it. In 2015, a group of researchers called the Open Science Collaboration attempted to redo 100 psychology studies that had already been peer-reviewed and published in leading journals (Open Science Collaboration, 2015). Their results, published in the journal Science, indicated that, depending on the criteria used, only 40–60% of replications found the same results as the original studies. This low replication rate helped confirm that science indeed had a problem with replicability, the seriousness of which is reflected in the term replicability crisis.

Why and how did this crisis of replicability emerge? Here it will be argued that the major causal factors are (1) a general lack of published replication attempts in the professional literature, (2) editorial preferences for positive over negative findings, and (3) questionable research practices on the part of authors of published studies. Let’s consider each of these factors.

Lack of Published Replication Attempts

Journals have long preferred to publish novel results instead of replications of previous work. In fact, a recent study found that only 1.07% of the published psychological scientific literature sought to directly replicate previous work (Makel et al., 2012). Academic scientists, who depend on publication in order to progress in their careers, respond to this bias by focusing their research on unexplored phenomena instead of replications. The implications for science are dire. Replication by independent parties provides for confidence in a finding, reducing the likelihood of experimenter bias and statistical anomaly. Indeed, had scientists been as focused on replication as they were on hunting down novel results, the field would likely not be in crisis now.

Editorial Preference for Positive over Negative Findings

Journals prefer positive over negative findings. “Positive” in this context does not refer to how upbeat, beneficial, or heart-warming the study is. Rather, positive refers to whether the study concluded that an experimental effect existed. Stated another way, and drawing on your recall from that class you took in experimental methods, positive findings typically entail a rejection of the null hypothesis. In essence, from the perspective of most journals, rejecting the null hypothesis as a result of a research study is a newsworthy event. By contrast, accepting the null hypothesis might just amount to “old news.”

The fact that journals are more apt to publish positive rather than negative studies has consequences in terms of the types of studies that even get submitted for publication. Studies submitted for publication typically report the existence of an effect rather than the absence of one. The vast majority of studies that actually get published also report the existence of an effect. Those studies designed to disconfirm reports of published effects are few-and-far-between to begin with, and may not be deemed publishable even when they are conducted and submitted to a journal for review. The net result is that scientists, policy-makers, judges, and anyone else who has occasion to rely on published research may have a difficult time determining the actual strength and robustness of a reported finding.

Questionable Research Practices (QRPs)

In this admittedly nonexhaustive review of factors contributing to the replicability crisis, the third factor is QRPs. Included here are questionable scientific practices that do not rise to the level of fraud but still introduce error into bodies of scientific evidence. For example, a recent survey of psychological scientists found that nearly 60% of the respondents reported that they decided to collect more data after peeking to see if their already-collected data had reached statistical significance (John et al., 2012). While this procedure may seem relatively benign, it is not. Imagine you are trying to determine if a nickel is fair, or weighted toward heads. Rather than establishing the number flips you plan on performing prior to your “test,” you just start flipping and from time-to-time check how many times the coin has come up heads. After a run of five heads, you notice that your weighted-coin hypothesis is looking strong and decide to stop flipping. The nonindependence between the decision to collect data and the data themselves introduces bias. Over the course of many studies, such practices can seriously undermine a body of research.

There are many other sorts of QRPs. For example, one variety entails the researcher failing to report all of the research undertaken in a research program, and then Page 148selectively only reporting the studies that confirm a particular hypothesis. With only the published study in hand, and without access to the researchers’ records, it would be difficult if not impossible for the research consumer to discern important milestones in the chronology of the research (such as what studies were conducted in what sequence, and what measurements were taken).

One proposed remedy for such QRPs is preregistration (Eich, 2014). Preregistration involves publicly committing to a set of procedures prior to carrying out a study. Using such a procedure, there can be no doubt as to the number of observations planned, and the number of measures anticipated. In fact, there are now several websites that allow researchers to preregister their research plans. It is also increasingly common for academic journals to demand preregistration (or at least a good explanation for why the study wasn’t preregistered). Alternatively, some journals award special recognition to studies that were preregistered so that readers can have more confidence in the replicability of the reported findings.

Lessons Learned from the Replicability Crisis

The replicability crisis represents an important learning opportunity for scientists and students. Prior to such replicability issues coming to light, it was typically assumed that science would simply self-correct over the long run. This means that at some point in time, the nonreplicable study would be exposed as such, and the scientific record would somehow be straightened out. Of course, while some self-correction does occur, it occurs neither fast enough nor often enough, nor in sufficient magnitude. The stark reality is that unreliable findings that reach general acceptance can stay in place for decades before they are eventually disconfirmed. And even when such long-standing findings are proven incorrect, there is no mechanism in place to alert other scientists and the public of this fact.

Traditionally, science has only been admitted into courtrooms if an expert attests that the science has reached “general acceptance” in the scientific community from which it comes. However, in the wake of science’s replicability crisis, it is not at all uncommon for findings to meet this general acceptance standard. Sadly, the standard may be met even if the findings from the subject study are questionable at best, or downright inaccurate at worst. Fortunately, another legal test has been created in recent years (Chin, 2014). In this test, judges are asked to play a gatekeeper role and only admit scientific evidence if it has been properly tested, has a sufficiently low error rate, and has been peer-reviewed and published. In this latter test, judges can ask more sensible questions, such as whether the study has been replicated and if the testing was done using a safeguard like preregistration.

Conclusion

Spurred by the recognition of a crisis of replicability, science is moving to right from both past and potential wrongs. As previously noted, there are now mechanisms in place for preregistration of experimental designs and growing acceptance of the importance of doing so. Further, organizations that provide for open science (e.g., easy and efficient preregistration) are receiving millions of dollars in funding to provide support for researchers seeking to perform more rigorous research. Moreover, replication efforts—beyond even that of the Open Science Collaboration—are becoming more common (Klein et al, 2013). Overall, it appears that most scientists now recognize replicability as a concern that needs to be addressed with meaningful changes to what has constituted “business-as-usual” for so many years.

Effectively addressing the replicability crisis is important for any profession that relies on scientific evidence. Within the field of law, for example, science is used every day in courtrooms throughout the world to prosecute criminal cases and adjudicate civil disputes. Everyone from a criminal defendant facing capital punishment to a major corporation arguing that its violent video games did not promote real-life violence may rely at some point in a trial on a study published in a psychology journal. Appeals are sometimes limited. Costs associated with legal proceedings are often prohibitive. With a momentous verdict in the offing, none of the litigants has the luxury of time—which might amount to decades, if at all—for the scholarly research system to self-correct.

When it comes to psychology’s replicability crisis, there is good and bad news. The bad news is that it is real, and that it has existed perhaps, since scientific studies were first published. The good news is that the problem has finally been recognized, and constructive steps are being taken to address it.

Used with permission of Jason Chin.

*This Close-Up was guest-authored by Jason Chin of the University of Toronto.

Page 149

Parallel-Forms and Alternate-Forms Reliability Estimates

If you have ever taken a makeup exam in which the questions were not all the same as on the test initially given, you have had experience with different forms of a test. And if you have ever wondered whether the two forms of the test were really equivalent, you have wondered about the alternate-forms or parallel-forms reliability of the test. The degree of the relationship between various forms of a test can be evaluated by means of an alternate-forms or parallel-forms coefficient of reliability, which is often termed the  coefficient of equivalence .

Although frequently used interchangeably, there is a difference between the terms alternate forms and parallel forms.  Parallel forms  of a test exist when, for each form of the test, the means and the variances of observed test scores are equal. In theory, the means of scores obtained on parallel forms correlate equally with the true score. More practically, scores obtained on parallel tests correlate equally with other measures. The term  parallel forms reliability  refers to an estimate of the extent to which item sampling and other errors have affected test scores on versions of the same test when, for each form of the test, the means and variances of observed test scores are equal.

Alternate forms  are simply different versions of a test that have been constructed so as to be parallel. Although they do not meet the requirements for the legitimate designation “parallel,” alternate forms of a test are typically designed to be equivalent with respect to variables such as content and level of difficulty. The term  alternate forms reliability  refers to an estimate of the extent to which these different forms of the same test have been affected by item sampling error, or other error.

JUST THINK . . .

You missed the midterm examination and have to take a makeup exam. Your classmates tell you that they found the midterm impossibly difficult. Your instructor tells you that you will be taking an alternate form, not a parallel form, of the original test. How do you feel about that?

Obtaining estimates of alternate-forms reliability and parallel-forms reliability is similar in two ways to obtaining an estimate of test-retest reliability: (1) Two test administrations with the same group are required, and (2) test scores may be affected by factors such as motivation, fatigue, or intervening events such as practice, learning, or therapy (although not as much as when the same test is administered twice). An additional source of error variance, item sampling, is inherent in the computation of an alternate- or parallel-forms reliability coefficient. Testtakers may do better or worse on a specific form of the test not as a function of their true ability but simply because of the particular items that were selected for inclusion in the test.3

Developing alternate forms of tests can be time-consuming and expensive. Imagine what might be involved in trying to create sets of equivalent items and then getting the same people to sit for repeated administrations of an experimental test! On the other hand, once an alternate or parallel form of a test has been developed, it is advantageous to the test user in several ways. For example, it minimizes the effect of memory for the content of a previously administered form of the test.

JUST THINK . . .

From the perspective of the test user, what are other possible advantages of having alternate or parallel forms of the same test?

Certain traits are presumed to be relatively stable in people over time, and we would expect tests measuring those traits—alternate forms, parallel forms, or otherwise—to reflect that stability. As an example, we expect that there will be, and in fact there is, a reasonable degree of stability in scores on intelligence tests. Conversely, we might expect relatively little stability in scores obtained on a measure of state anxiety (anxiety felt at the moment).Page 150

An estimate of the reliability of a test can be obtained without developing an alternate form of the test and without having to administer the test twice to the same people. Deriving this type of estimate entails an evaluation of the internal consistency of the test items. Logically enough, it is referred to as an  internal consistency estimate of reliability  or as an  estimate of inter-item consistency . There are different methods of obtaining internal consistency estimates of reliability. One such method is the split-half estimate.

Split-Half Reliability Estimates

An estimate of  split-half reliability  is obtained by correlating two pairs of scores obtained from equivalent halves of a single test administered once. It is a useful measure of reliability when it is impractical or undesirable to assess reliability with two tests or to administer a test twice (because of factors such as time or expense). The computation of a coefficient of split-half reliability generally entails three steps:

· Step 1. Divide the test into equivalent halves.

· Step 2. Calculate a Pearson r between scores on the two halves of the test.

· Step 3. Adjust the half-test reliability using the Spearman–Brown formula (discussed shortly).

When it comes to calculating split-half reliability coefficients, there’s more than one way to split a test—but there are some ways you should never split a test. Simply dividing the test in the middle is not recommended because it’s likely that this procedure would spuriously raise or lower the reliability coefficient. Different amounts of fatigue for the first as opposed to the second part of the test, different amounts of test anxiety, and differences in item difficulty as a function of placement in the test are all factors to consider.

One acceptable way to split a test is to randomly assign items to one or the other half of the test. Another acceptable way to split a test is to assign odd-numbered items to one half of the test and even-numbered items to the other half. This method yields an estimate of split-half reliability that is also referred to as  odd-even reliability . 4 Yet another way to split a test is to divide the test by content so that each half contains items equivalent with respect to content and difficulty. In general, a primary objective in splitting a test in half for the purpose of obtaining a split-half reliability estimate is to create what might be called “mini-parallel-forms,” with each half equal to the other—or as nearly equal as humanly possible—in format, stylistic, statistical, and related aspects.

Step 2 in the procedure entails the computation of a Pearson r, which requires little explanation at this point. However, the third step requires the use of the Spearman–Brown formula.

The Spearman–Brown formula

The  Spearman–Brown formula  allows a test developer or user to estimate internal consistency reliability from a correlation of two halves of a test. It is a specific application of a more general formula to estimate the reliability of a test that is lengthened or shortened by any number of items. Because the reliability of a test is affected by its length, a formula is necessary for estimating the reliability of a test that has been shortened or lengthened. The general Spearman–Brown (rSB) formula is

Page 151

where rSB is equal to the reliability adjusted by the Spearman–Brown formula, rxy is equal to the Pearson r in the original-length test, and n is equal to the number of items in the revised version divided by the number of items in the original version.

By determining the reliability of one half of a test, a test developer can use the Spearman–Brown formula to estimate the reliability of a whole test. Because a whole test is two times longer than half a test, n becomes 2 in the Spearman–Brown formula for the adjustment of split-half reliability. The symbol rhh stands for the Pearson r of scores in the two half tests:

 

Usually, but not always, reliability increases as test length increases. Ideally, the additional test items are equivalent with respect to the content and the range of difficulty of the original items. Estimates of reliability based on consideration of the entire test therefore tend to be higher than those based on half of a test. Table 5–1 shows half-test correlations presented alongside adjusted reliability estimates for the whole test. You can see that all the adjusted correlations are higher than the unadjusted correlations. This is so because Spearman–Brown estimates are based on a test that is twice as long as the original half test. For the data from the kindergarten pupils, for example, a half-test reliability of .718 is estimated to be equivalent to a whole-test reliability of .836.

Grade Half-Test Correlation (unadjusted r ) Whole-Test  Estimate (rSB)
K .718 .836
1 .807 .893
2 .777 .875
Table 5–1

Odd-Even Reliability Coefficients before and after the Spearman-Brown Adjustment*

*For scores on a test of mental ability

If test developers or users wish to shorten a test, the Spearman–Brown formula may be used to estimate the effect of the shortening on the test’s reliability. Reduction in test size for the purpose of reducing test administration time is a common practice in certain situations. For example, the test administrator may have only limited time with a particular testtaker or group of testtakers. Reduction in test size may be indicated in situations where boredom or fatigue could produce responses of questionable meaningfulness.

JUST THINK . . .

What are other situations in which a reduction in test size or the time it takes to administer a test might be desirable? What are the arguments against reducing test size?

A Spearman–Brown formula could also be used to determine the number of items needed to attain a desired level of reliability. In adding items to increase test reliability to a desired level, the rule is that the new items must be equivalent in content and difficulty so that the longer test still measures what the original test measured. If the reliability of the original test is relatively low, then it may be impractical to increase the number of items to reach an acceptable level of reliability. Another alternative would be to abandon this relatively unreliable instrument and locate—or develop—a suitable alternative. The reliability of the instrument could also be raised in some way. For example, the reliability of the instrument might be raised by creating new items, clarifying the test’s instructions, or simplifying the scoring rules.

Internal consistency estimates of reliability, such as that obtained by use of the Spearman–Brown formula, are inappropriate for measuring the reliability of heterogeneous tests and speed tests. The impact of test characteristics on reliability is discussed in detail later in this chapter.Page 152

Other Methods of Estimating Internal Consistency

In addition to the Spearman–Brown formula, other methods used to obtain estimates of internal consistency reliability include formulas developed by Kuder and Richardson (1937) and Cronbach (1951).  Inter-item consistency  refers to the degree of correlation among all the items on a scale. A measure of inter-item consistency is calculated from a single administration of a single form of a test. An index of inter-item consistency, in turn, is useful in assessing the  homogeneity  of the test. Tests are said to be homogeneous if they contain items that measure a single trait. As an adjective used to describe test items, homogeneity (derived from the Greek words homos, meaning “same,” and genos, meaning “kind”) is the degree to which a test measures a single factor. In other words, homogeneity is the extent to which items in a scale are unifactorial.

In contrast to test homogeneity,  heterogeneity  describes the degree to which a test measures different factors. A heterogeneous (or nonhomogeneous) test is composed of items that measure more than one trait. A test that assesses knowledge only of ultra high definition (UHD) television repair skills could be expected to be more homogeneous in content than a general electronics repair test. The former test assesses only one area whereas the latter assesses several, such as knowledge not only of UHD televisions but also of digital video recorders, Blu-Ray players, MP3 players, satellite radio receivers, and so forth.

The more homogeneous a test is, the more inter-item consistency it can be expected to have. Because a homogeneous test samples a relatively narrow content area, it is to be expected to contain more inter-item consistency than a heterogeneous test. Test homogeneity is desirable because it allows relatively straightforward test-score interpretation. Testtakers with the same score on a homogeneous test probably have similar abilities in the area tested. Testtakers with the same score on a more heterogeneous test may have quite different abilities.

Although a homogeneous test is desirable because it so readily lends itself to clear interpretation, it is often an insufficient tool for measuring multifaceted psychological variables such as intelligence or personality. One way to circumvent this potential source of difficulty has been to administer a series of homogeneous tests, each designed to measure some component of a heterogeneous variable.5

The Kuder–Richardson formulas

Dissatisfaction with existing split-half methods of estimating reliability compelled G. Frederic Kuder and M. W. Richardson (1937; Richardson & Kuder, 1939) to develop their own measures for estimating reliability. The most widely known of the many formulas they collaborated on is their  Kuder–Richardson formula 20 , or KR-20, so named because it was the 20th formula developed in a series. Where test items are highly homogeneous, KR-20 and split-half reliability estimates will be similar. However, KR-20 is the statistic of choice for determining the inter-item consistency of dichotomous items, primarily those items that can be scored right or wrong (such as multiple-choice items). If test items are more heterogeneous, KR-20 will yield lower reliability estimates than the split-half method. Table 5–2 summarizes items on a sample heterogeneous test (the HERT), and Table 5–3 summarizes HERT performance for 20 testtakers. Assuming the difficulty level of all the items on the test to be about the same, would you expect a split-half (odd-even) estimate of reliability to be fairly high or low? How would the KR-20 reliability estimate compare with the odd-even estimate of reliability—would it be higher or lower?

Item Number Content Area
1 UHD television
2 UHD television
3 Digital video recorder (DVR)
4 Digital video recorder (DVR)
5 Blu-Ray player
6 Blu-Ray player
7 Smart phone
8 Smart phone
9 Computer
10 Computer
11 Compact disc player
12 Compact disc player
13 Satellite radio receiver
14 Satellite radio receiver
15 Video camera
16 Video camera
17 MP3 player
18 MP3 player
Table 5–2

Content Areas Sampled for 18 Items of the Hypothetical Electronics Repair Test (HERT)

Item Number Number of Testtakers Correct
1 14
2 12
3 9
4 18
5 8
6 5
7 6
8 9
9 10
10 10
11 8
12 6
13 15
14 9
15 12
16 12
17 14
18 7
Table 5–3

Performance on the 18-Item HERT by Item for 20 Testtakers

We might guess that, because the content areas sampled for the 18 items from this “Hypothetical Electronics Repair Test” are ordered in a manner whereby odd and even items Page 153tap the same content area, the odd-even reliability estimate will probably be quite high. Because of the great heterogeneity of content areas when taken as a whole, it could reasonably be predicted that the KR-20 estimate of reliability will be lower than the odd-even one. How is KR-20 computed? The following formula may be used:

 

where rKR20 stands for the Kuder–Richardson formula 20 reliability coefficient, k is the number of test items, σ2 is the variance of total test scores, p is the proportion of testtakers who pass the item, q is the proportion of people who fail the item, and Σ pq is the sum of the pq products over all items. For this particular example, k equals 18. Based on the data in Table 5–3, Σpq can be computed to be 3.975. The variance of total test scores is 5.26. Thus, rKR20 = .259.

An approximation of KR-20 can be obtained by the use of the 21st formula in the series developed by Kuder and Richardson, a formula known as—you guessed it—KR-21. The KR-21 formula may be used if there is reason to assume that all the test items have approximately Page 154the same degree of difficulty. Let’s add that this assumption is seldom justified. Formula KR-21 has become outdated in an era of calculators and computers. Way back when, KR-21 was sometimes used to estimate KR-20 only because it required many fewer calculations.

Numerous modifications of Kuder–Richardson formulas have been proposed through the years. The one variant of the KR-20 formula that has received the most acceptance and is in widest use today is a statistic called coefficient alpha. You may even hear it referred to as coefficient α−20. This expression incorporates both the Greek letter alpha (α) and the number 20, the latter a reference to KR-20.

Coefficient alpha

Developed by Cronbach (1951) and subsequently elaborated on by others (such as Kaiser & Michael, 1975; Novick & Lewis, 1967),  coefficient alpha  may be thought of as the mean of all possible split-half correlations, corrected by the Spearman–Brown formula. In contrast to KR-20, which is appropriately used only on tests with dichotomous items, coefficient alpha is appropriate for use on tests containing nondichotomous items. The formula for coefficient alpha is

 

where ra is coefficient alpha, k is the number of items, is the variance of one item, Σ is the sum of variances of each item, and σ2 is the variance of the total test scores.

Coefficient alpha is the preferred statistic for obtaining an estimate of internal consistency reliability. A variation of the formula has been developed for use in obtaining an estimate of test-retest reliability (Green, 2003). Essentially, this formula yields an estimate of the mean of all possible test-retest, split-half coefficients. Coefficient alpha is widely used as a measure of reliability, in part because it requires only one administration of the test.

Unlike a Pearson r, which may range in value from −1 to +1, coefficient alpha typically ranges in value from 0 to 1. The reason for this is that, conceptually, coefficient alpha (much like other coefficients of reliability) is calculated to help answer questions about how similar sets of data are. Here, similarity is gauged, in essence, on a scale from 0 (absolutely no similarity) to 1 (perfectly identical). It is possible, however, to conceive of data sets that would yield a negative value of alpha (Streiner, 2003b). Still, because negative values of alpha are theoretically impossible, it is recommended under such rare circumstances that the alpha coefficient be reported as zero (Henson, 2001). Also, a myth about alpha is that “bigger is always better.” As Streiner (2003b) pointed out, a value of alpha above .90 may be “too high” and indicate redundancy in the items.

In contrast to coefficient alpha, a Pearson r may be thought of as dealing conceptually with both dissimilarity and similarity. Accordingly, an r value of −1 may be thought of as indicating “perfect dissimilarity.” In practice, most reliability coefficients—regardless of the specific type of reliability they are measuring—range in value from 0 to 1. This is generally true, although it is possible to conceive of exceptional cases in which data sets yield an r with a negative value.

Average proportional distance (APD)

A relatively new measure for evaluating the internal consistency of a test is the average proportional distance (APD) method (Sturman et al., 2009). Rather than focusing on similarity between scores on items of a test (as do split-half methods and Cronbach’s alpha), the APD is a measure that focuses on the degree of difference that exists between item scores. Accordingly, we define the  average proportional distance method  as a measure used to evaluate the internal consistency of a test that focuses on the degree of difference that exists between item scores.

To illustrate how the APD is calculated, consider the (hypothetical) “3-Item Test of Extraversion” (3-ITE). As conveyed by the title of the 3-ITE, it is a test that has only three Page 155items. Each of the items is a sentence that somehow relates to extraversion. Testtakers are instructed to respond to each of the three items with reference to the following 7-point scale: 1 = Very strongly disagree, 2 = Strongly disagree, 3 = Disagree, 4 = Neither Agree nor Disagree, 5 = Agree, 6 = Strongly agree, and 7 = Very strongly agree.

Typically, in order to evaluate the inter-item consistency of a scale, the calculation of the APD would be calculated for a group of testtakers. However, for the purpose of illustrating the calculations of this measure, let’s look at how the APD would be calculated for one testtaker. Yolanda scores 4 on Item 1, 5 on Item 2, and 6 on Item 3. Based on Yolanda’s scores, the APD would be calculated as follows:

· Step 1: Calculate the absolute difference between scores for all of the items.

· Step 2: Average the difference between scores.

· Step 3: Obtain the APD by dividing the average difference between scores by the number of response options on the test, minus one.

So, for the 3-ITE, here is how the calculations would look using Yolanda’s test scores:

· Step 1: Absolute difference between Items 1 and 2 = 1

·    Absolute difference between Items 1 and 3 = 2

·    Absolute difference between Items 2 and 3 = 1

· Step 2: In order to obtain the average difference (AD), add up the absolute differences in Step 1 and divide by the number of items as follows:

 

· Step 3: To obtain the average proportional distance (APD), divide the average difference by 6 (the 7 response options in our ITE scale minus 1). Using Yolanda’s data, we would divide 1.33 by 6 to get .22. Thus, the APD for the ITE is .22. But what does this mean?

The general “rule of thumb” for interpreting an APD is that an obtained value of .2 or lower is indicative of excellent internal consistency, and that a value of .25 to .2 is in the acceptable range. A calculated APD of .25 is suggestive of problems with the internal consistency of the test. These guidelines are based on the assumption that items measuring a single construct such as extraversion should ideally be correlated with one another in the .6 to .7 range. Let’s add that the expected inter-item correlation may vary depending on the variables being measured, so the ideal correlation values are not set in stone. In the case of the 3-ITE, the data for our one subject suggests that the scale has acceptable internal consistency. Of course, in order to make any meaningful conclusions about the internal consistency of the 3-ITE, the instrument would have to be tested with a large sample of testtakers.

One potential advantage of the APD method over using Cronbach’s alpha is that the APD index is not connected to the number of items on a measure. Cronbach’s alpha will be higher when a measure has more than 25 items (Cortina, 1993). Perhaps the best course of action when evaluating the internal consistency of a given measure is to analyze and integrate the information using several indices, including Cronbach’s alpha, mean inter-item correlations, and the APD.

Before proceeding, let’s emphasize that all indices of reliability provide an index that is a characteristic of a particular group of test scores, not of the test itself (Caruso, 2000; Yin & Fan, 2000). Measures of reliability are estimates, and estimates are subject to error. The precise amount of error inherent in a reliability estimate will vary with various factors, such as the sample of testtakers from which the data were drawn. A reliability index published in a test manual might be very impressive. However, keep in mind that the reported reliability was achieved with a particular group of testtakers. If a new group of testtakers is sufficiently Page 156different from the group of testtakers on whom the reliability studies were done, the reliability coefficient may not be as impressive—and may even be unacceptable.

Measures of Inter-Scorer Reliability

When being evaluated, we usually would like to believe that the results would be the same no matter who is doing the evaluating.6 For example, if you take a road test for a driver’s license, you would like to believe that whether you pass or fail is solely a matter of your performance behind the wheel and not a function of who is sitting in the passenger’s seat. Unfortunately, in some types of tests under some conditions, the score may be more a function of the scorer than of anything else. This was demonstrated back in 1912, when researchers presented one pupil’s English composition to a convention of teachers and volunteers graded the papers. The grades ranged from a low of 50% to a high of 98% (Starch & Elliott, 1912). Concerns about inter-scorer reliability are as relevant today as they were back then (Chmielewski et al., 2015; Edens et al., 2015; Penney et al., 2016). With this as background, it can be appreciated that certain tests lend themselves to scoring in a way that is more consistent than with other tests. It is meaningful, therefore, to raise questions about the degree of consistency, or reliability, that exists between scorers of a particular test.

Variously referred to as scorer reliability, judge reliability, observer reliability, and inter-rater reliability,  inter-scorer reliability  is the degree of agreement or consistency between two or more scorers (or judges or raters) with regard to a particular measure. Reference to levels of inter-scorer reliability for a particular test may be published in the test’s manual or elsewhere. If the reliability coefficient is high, the prospective test user knows that test scores can be derived in a systematic, consistent way by various scorers with sufficient training. A responsible test developer who is unable to create a test that can be scored with a reasonable degree of consistency by trained scorers will go back to the drawing board to discover the reason for this problem. If, for example, the problem is a lack of clarity in scoring criteria, then the remedy might be to rewrite the scoring criteria section of the manual to include clearly written scoring rules. Inter-rater consistency may be promoted by providing raters with the opportunity for group discussion along with practice exercises and information on rater accuracy (Smith, 1986).

Inter-scorer reliability is often used when coding nonverbal behavior. For example, a researcher who wishes to quantify some aspect of nonverbal behavior, such as depressed mood, would start by composing a checklist of behaviors that constitute depressed mood (such as looking downward and moving slowly). Accordingly, each subject would be given a depressed mood score by a rater. Researchers try to guard against such ratings being products of the rater’s individual biases or idiosyncrasies in judgment. This can be accomplished by having at least one other individual observe and rate the same behaviors. If consensus can be demonstrated in the ratings, the researchers can be more confident regarding the accuracy of the ratings and their conformity with the established rating system.

JUST THINK . . .

Can you think of a measure in which it might be desirable for different judges, scorers, or raters to have different views on what is being judged, scored, or rated?

Perhaps the simplest way of determining the degree of consistency among scorers in the scoring of a test is to calculate a coefficient of correlation. This correlation coefficient is referred to as a  coefficient of inter-scorer reliability . In this chapter’s  Everyday Psychometrics  section, the nature of the relationship between the specific method used and the resulting estimate of diagnostic reliability is considered in greater detail.Page 157

EVERYDAY PSYCHOMETRICS

The Importance of the Method Used for Estimating Reliability*

As noted throughout this text, reliability is extremely important in its own right and is also a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for validity. However, researchers often fail to understand that the specific method used to obtain reliability estimates can lead to large differences in those estimates, even when other factors (such as subject sample, raters, and specific reliability statistic used) are held constant. A published study by Chmielewski et al. (2015) highlighted the substantial influence that differences in method can have on estimates of inter-rater reliability.

As one might expect, high levels of diagnostic (inter-rater) reliability are vital for the accurate diagnosis of psychiatric/psychological disorders. Diagnostic reliability must be acceptably high in order to accurately identify risk factors for a disorder that are common to subjects in a research study. Without satisfactory levels of diagnostic reliability, it becomes nearly impossible to accurately determine the effectiveness of treatments in clinical trials. Low diagnostic reliability can also lead to improper information regarding how a disorder changes over time. In applied clinical settings, unreliable diagnoses can result in ineffective patient care—or worse. The utility and validity of a particular diagnosis itself can be called into question if expert diagnosticians cannot, for whatever reason, consistently agree on who should and should not be so diagnosed. In sum, high levels of diagnostic reliability are essential for establishing diagnostic validity (Freedman, 2013; Nelson-Gray, 1991).

The official nomenclature of psychological/psychiatric diagnoses in the United States is the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5; American Psychiatric Association, 2013), which provides explicit diagnostic criteria for all mental disorders. A perceived strength of recent versions of the DSM is that disorders listed in the manual can be diagnosed with a high level of inter-rater reliability (Hyman, 2010; Nathan & Langenbucher, 1999), especially when trained professionals use semistructured interviews to assign those diagnoses. However, the field trials for the newest version of the manual, the DSM-5, demonstrated a mean kappa of only .44 (Regier et al., 2013), which is considered a “fair” level of agreement that is only moderately greater than chance (Cicchetti, 1994; Fleiss, 1981). Moreover, DSM-5 kappas were much lower than those from previous versions of the manual which had been in the “excellent” range. As one might expect, given the assumption that psychiatric diagnoses are reliable, the results of the DSM-5 field trials caused considerable controversy and led to numerous criticisms of the new manual (Frances, 2012; Jones, 2012). Interestingly, several diagnoses, which were unchanged from previous versions of the manual, also demonstrated low diagnostic reliability suggesting that the manual itself was not responsible for the apparent reduction in reliability. Instead, differences in the methods used to obtain estimates of inter-rater reliability in the DSM-5 Field Trials, compared to estimates for previous versions of the manual, may have led to the lower observed diagnostic reliability.

Prior to DSM-5, estimates of DSM inter-rater reliability were largely derived using the audio-recording method. In the audio-recording method, one clinician interviews a patient and assigns diagnoses. Then a second clinician, who does not know what diagnoses were assigned, listens to an audio-recording (or watches a video-recording) of the interview and independently assigns diagnoses. These two sets of ratings are then used to calculate inter-rater reliability coefficients (such as kappa). However, in recent years, several researchers have made the case that the audio-recording method might inflate estimates of diagnostic reliability for a variety of reasons (Chmielewski et al., 2015; Kraemer et al., 2012). First, if the interviewing clinician decides the patient they are interviewing does not meet diagnostic criteria for a disorder, they typically do not ask about any remaining symptoms of the disorder (this is a feature of semistructured interviews designed to reduce administration times). However, it also means that the clinician listening to the audio-tape, even if they believe the patient might meet diagnostic criteria for a disorder, does not have all the information necessary to assign a diagnosis and therefore is forced to agree that no diagnosis is present. Second, only the interviewing clinician can follow up patient responses with further questions or obtain clarification regarding symptoms to help them make a decision. Third, even when semistructured interviews are used it is possible that two highly trained clinicians might obtain different responses from a patient if they had each conducted their own interview. In other words, the patient may volunteer more or perhaps even different information to one of the clinicians for any number of reasons. All of the above result in the audio- or video-recording method artificially constraining the information provided to the clinicians to be identical, which is unlikely to occur in actual research or Page 158clinical settings. As such, this method does not allow for truly independent ratings and therefore likely results in overestimates of what would be obtained if separate interviews were conducted.

In the test-retest method, separate independent interviews are conducted by two different clinicians, with neither clinician knowing what occurred during the other interview. These interviews are conducted over a time frame short enough that true change in diagnostic status is highly unlikely, making this method similar to the dependability method of assessing reliability (Chmielewski & Watson, 2009). Because diagnostic reliability is intended to assess the extent to which a patient would receive the same diagnosis at different hospitals or clinics—or, alternatively, the extent to which different studies are recruiting similar patients—the test-retest method provides a more meaningful, realistic, and ecologically valid estimate of diagnostic reliability.

Chmielewski et al. (2015) examined the influence of method on estimates of reliability by using both the audio-recording and test-retest methods in a large sample of psychiatric patients. The authors’ analyzed DSM-5 diagnoses because of the long-standing claims in the literature that they were reliable and the fact that structured interviews had not yet been created for the DSM-5. They carefully selected a one-week test-retest interval, based on theory and research, to minimize the likelihood that true diagnostic change would occur while substantially reducing memory effects and patient fatigue which might exist if the interviews were conducted immediately after each other. Clinicians in the study were at least master’s level and underwent extensive training that far exceeded the training of clinicians in the vast majority of research studies. The same pool of clinicians and patients was used for the audio-recording and test-retest methods. Diagnoses were assigned using the Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-IV (SCID-I/P; First et al., 2002), which is widely considered the gold-standard diagnostic interview in the field. Finally, patients completed self-report measures which were examined to ensure patients’ symptoms did not change over the one-week interval.

Diagnostic (inter-rater) reliability using the audio-recording method was very high (mean kappa = .80) and would be considered “excellent” by traditional standards (Cicchetti, 1994; Fleiss, 1981). Moreover, estimates of diagnostic reliability were equivalent or superior to previously published values for the DSM-5. However, estimates of diagnostic reliability obtained from the test-retest method were substantially lower (mean kappa = .47) and would be considered only “fair” by traditional standards. Moreover, approximately 25% of the disorders demonstrated “poor” diagnostic reliability. Interestingly, this level of diagnostic reliability was very similar to that observed in the DSM-5 Field Trials (mean kappa = .44), which also used the test-retest method (Regier et al., 2013). It is important to note these large differences in estimates of diagnostic reliability emerged despite the fact that (1) the same highly trained master’s-level clinicians were used for both methods; (2) the SCID-I/P, which is considered the “gold standard” in diagnostic interviews, was used; (3) the same patient sample was used; and (4) patients’ self-report of their symptoms was very stable (or, patients were experiencing their symptoms the same way during both interviews) and any changes in self-report were unrelated to diagnostic disagreements between clinicians. These results suggest that the reliability of diagnoses is far lower than commonly believed. Moreover, the results demonstrate the substantial influence that method has on estimates of diagnostic reliability even when other factors are held constant.

Used with permission of Michael Chmielewski.

*This Everyday Psychometrics was guest-authored by Michael Chmielewski of Southern Methodist University and was based on an article by Chmielewski et al. (2015), published in the Journal of Abnormal Psychology (copyright © 2015 by the American Psychological Association). The use of this information does not imply endorsement by the publisher.

Using and Interpreting a Coefficient of Reliability

We have seen that, with respect to the test itself, there are basically three approaches to the estimation of reliability: (1) test-retest, (2) alternate or parallel forms, and (3) internal or inter-item consistency. The method or methods employed will depend on a number of factors, such as the purpose of obtaining a measure of reliability.

Another question that is linked in no trivial way to the purpose of the test is, “How high should the coefficient of reliability be?” Perhaps the best “short answer” to this question is: Page 159“On a continuum relative to the purpose and importance of the decisions to be made on the basis of scores on the test.” Reliability is a mandatory attribute in all tests we use. However, we need more of it in some tests, and we will admittedly allow for less of it in others. If a test score carries with it life-or-death implications, then we need to hold that test to some high standards—including relatively high standards with regard to coefficients of reliability. If a test score is routinely used in combination with many other test scores and typically accounts for only a small part of the decision process, that test will not be held to the highest standards of reliability. As a rule of thumb, it may be useful to think of reliability coefficients in a way that parallels many grading systems: In the .90s rates a grade of A (with a value of .95 higher for the most important types of decisions), in the .80s rates a B (with below .85 being a clear B−), and anywhere from .65 through the .70s rates a weak, “barely passing” grade that borders on failing (and unacceptable). Now, let’s get a bit more technical with regard to the purpose of the reliability coefficient.

The Purpose of the Reliability Coefficient

If a specific test of employee performance is designed for use at various times over the course of the employment period, it would be reasonable to expect the test to demonstrate reliability across time. It would thus be desirable to have an estimate of the instrument’s test-retest reliability. For a test designed for a single administration only, an estimate of internal consistency would be the reliability measure of choice. If the purpose of determining reliability is to break down the error variance into its parts, as shown in Figure 5–1, then a number of reliability coefficients would have to be calculated.

Figure 5–1  Sources of Variance in a Hypothetical Test  In this hypothetical situation, 5% of the variance has not been identified by the test user. It is possible, for example, that this portion of the variance could be accounted for by  transient error,  a source of error attributable to variations in the testtaker’s feelings, moods, or mental state over time. Then again, this 5% of the error may be due to other factors that are yet to be identified.

Note that the various reliability coefficients do not all reflect the same sources of error variance. Thus, an individual reliability coefficient may provide an index of error from test construction, test administration, or test scoring and interpretation. A coefficient of inter-rater reliability, for example, provides information about error as a result of test scoring. Specifically, it can be used to answer questions about how consistently two scorers score the same test items. Table 5–4 summarizes the different kinds of error variance that are reflected in different reliability coefficients.

Page 160

Type of Reliability Purpose Typical uses Number of  Testing Sessions Sources of Error Variance Statistical Procedures
· Test-retest · To evaluate the stabilityof a measure · When assessing the stability of various personality traits · 2 · Administration · Pearson r or Spearman rho
· Alternate-forms · To evaluate the relationship between different forms of a measure · When there is a need for different forms of a test (e.g., makeup tests) · 1 or 2 · Test construction or administration · Pearson r or Spearman rho
· Internal consistency · To evaluate the extent to which items on a scale relate to one another · When evaluating the homogeneity of a measure (or, all items are tapping a single construct) · 1 · Test construction · Pearson r between equivalent test halves with Spearman Brown correction or Kuder-R-ichardson for dichotomous items, or coefficient alpha for multipoint items or APD
· Inter-scorer · To evaluate the level of agreement between raters on a measure · Interviews or coding of behavior. Used when researchers need to show that there is consensus in the way that different raters view a particular behavior pattern (and hence no observer bias). · 1 · Scoring and interpretation · Cohen’s kappa, Pearson r or Spearman rho
Table 5–4

Summary of Reliability Types

The Nature of the Test

Closely related to considerations concerning the purpose and use of a reliability coefficient are those concerning the nature of the test itself. Included here are considerations such as whether (1) the test items are homogeneous or heterogeneous in nature; (2) the characteristic, ability, or trait being measured is presumed to be dynamic or static; (3) the range of test scores is or is not restricted; (4) the test is a speed or a power test; and (5) the test is or is not criterion-referenced.

Some tests present special problems regarding the measurement of their reliability. For example, a number of psychological tests have been developed for use with infants to help identify children who are developing slowly or who may profit from early intervention of some sort. Measuring the internal consistency reliability or the inter-scorer reliability of such tests is accomplished in much the same way as it is with other tests. However, measuring test-retest reliability presents a unique problem. The abilities of the very young children being tested are fast-changing. It is common knowledge that cognitive development during the first months and years of life is both rapid and uneven. Children often grow in spurts, sometimes changing dramatically in as little as days (Hetherington & Parke, 1993). The child tested just before and again just after a developmental advance may perform very differently on the two testings. In such cases, a marked change in test score might be attributed to error when in reality it reflects a genuine change in the testtaker’s skills. The challenge in gauging the test-retest reliability of such tests is to do so in such a way that it is not spuriously lowered by the testtaker’s actual Page 161developmental changes between testings. In attempting to accomplish this, developers of such tests may design test-retest reliability studies with very short intervals between testings, sometimes as little as four days.

Homogeneity versus heterogeneity of test items

Recall that a test is said to be homogeneous in items if it is functionally uniform throughout. Tests designed to measure one factor, such as one ability or one trait, are expected to be homogeneous in items. For such tests, it is reasonable to expect a high degree of internal consistency. By contrast, if the test is heterogeneous in items, an estimate of internal consistency might be low relative to a more appropriate estimate of test-retest reliability.

Dynamic versus static characteristics

Whether what is being measured by the test is dynamic or static is also a consideration in obtaining an estimate of reliability. A  dynamic characteristic  is a trait, state, or ability presumed to be ever-changing as a function of situational and cognitive experiences. If, for example, one were to take hourly measurements of the dynamic characteristic of anxiety as manifested by a stockbroker throughout a business day, one might find the measured level of this characteristic to change from hour to hour. Such changes might even be related to the magnitude of the Dow Jones average. Because the true amount of anxiety presumed to exist would vary with each assessment, a test-retest measure would be of little help in gauging the reliability of the measuring instrument. Therefore, the best estimate of reliability would be obtained from a measure of internal consistency. Contrast this situation to one in which hourly assessments of this same stockbroker are made on a trait, state, or ability presumed to be relatively unchanging (a  static characteristic ), such as intelligence. In this instance, obtained measurement would not be expected to vary significantly as a function of time, and either the test-retest or the alternate-forms method would be appropriate.

JUST THINK . . .

Provide another example of both a dynamic characteristic and a static characteristic that a psychological test could measure.

Restriction or inflation of range

In using and interpreting a coefficient of reliability, the issue variously referred to as  restriction of range  or  restriction of variance  (or, conversely,  inflation of range  or  inflation of variance ) is important. If the variance of either variable in a correlational analysis is restricted by the sampling procedure used, then the resulting correlation coefficient tends to be lower. If the variance of either variable in a correlational analysis is inflated by the sampling procedure, then the resulting correlation coefficient tends to be higher. Refer back to Figure 3–17 on page 111 (Two Scatterplots Illustrating Unrestricted and Restricted Ranges) for a graphic illustration.

Also of critical importance is whether the range of variances employed is appropriate to the objective of the correlational analysis. Consider, for example, a published educational test designed for use with children in grades 1 through 6. Ideally, the manual for this test should contain not one reliability value covering all the testtakers in grades 1 through 6 but instead reliability values for testtakers at each grade level. Here’s another example: A corporate personnel officer employs a certain screening test in the hiring process. For future testing and hiring purposes, this personnel officer maintains reliability data with respect to scores achieved by job applicants—as opposed to hired employees—in order to avoid restriction of range effects in the data. This is so because the people who were hired typically scored higher on the test than any comparable group of applicants.

Speed tests versus power tests

When a time limit is long enough to allow testtakers to attempt all items, and if some items are so difficult that no testtaker is able to obtain a perfect score, then the test is a  power test . By contrast, a  speed test  generally contains items of Page 162uniform level of difficulty (typically uniformly low) so that, when given generous time limits, all testtakers should be able to complete all the test items correctly. In practice, however, the time limit on a speed test is established so that few if any of the testtakers will be able to complete the entire test. Score differences on a speed test are therefore based on performance speed because items attempted tend to be correct.

A reliability estimate of a speed test should be based on performance from two independent testing periods using one of the following: (1) test-retest reliability, (2) alternate-forms reliability, or (3) split-half reliability from two separately timed half tests. If a split-half procedure is used, then the obtained reliability coefficient is for a half test and should be adjusted using the Spearman–Brown formula.

Because a measure of the reliability of a speed test should reflect the consistency of response speed, the reliability of a speed test should not be calculated from a single administration of the test with a single time limit. If a speed test is administered once and some measure of internal consistency, such as the Kuder–Richardson or a split-half correlation, is calculated, the result will be a spuriously high reliability coefficient. To understand why the KR-20 or split-half reliability coefficient will be spuriously high, consider the following example.

When a group of testtakers completes a speed test, almost all the items completed will be correct. If reliability is examined using an odd-even split, and if the testtakers completed the items in order, then testtakers will get close to the same number of odd as even items correct. A testtaker completing 82 items can be expected to get approximately 41 odd and 41 even items correct. A testtaker completing 61 items may get 31 odd and 30 even items correct. When the numbers of odd and even items correct are correlated across a group of testtakers, the correlation will be close to 1.00. Yet this impressive correlation coefficient actually tells us nothing about response consistency.

Under the same scenario, a Kuder–Richardson reliability coefficient would yield a similar coefficient that would also be, well, equally useless. Recall that KR-20 reliability is based on the proportion of testtakers correct (p) and the proportion of testtakers incorrect (q) on each item. In the case of a speed test, it is conceivable that p would equal 1.0 and q would equal 0 for many of the items. Toward the end of the test—when many items would not even be attempted because of the time limit—p might equal 0 and q might equal 1.0. For many, if not a majority, of the items, then, the product pq would equal or approximate 0. When 0 is substituted in the KR-20 formula for Σ pq, the reliability coefficient is 1.0 (a meaningless coefficient in this instance).

Criterion-referenced tests

 criterion-referenced test  is designed to provide an indication of where a testtaker stands with respect to some variable or criterion, such as an educational or a vocational objective. Unlike norm-referenced tests, criterion-referenced tests tend to contain material that has been mastered in hierarchical fashion. For example, the would-be pilot masters on-ground skills before attempting to master in-flight skills. Scores on criterion-referenced tests tend to be interpreted in pass–fail (or, perhaps more accurately, “master-failed-to-master”) terms, and any scrutiny of performance on individual items tends to be for diagnostic and remedial purposes.

Traditional techniques of estimating reliability employ measures that take into account scores on the entire test. Recall that a test-retest reliability estimate is based on the correlation between the total scores on two administrations of the same test. In alternate-forms reliability, a reliability estimate is based on the correlation between the two total scores on the two forms. In split-half reliability, a reliability estimate is based on the correlation between scores on two halves of the test and is then adjusted using the Spearman–Brown formula to obtain a reliability estimate of the whole test. Although there are exceptions, such traditional procedures of Page 163estimating reliability are usually not appropriate for use with criterion-referenced tests. To understand why, recall that reliability is defined as the proportion of total variance (σ2) attributable to true variance (σ2th). Total variance in a test score distribution equals the sum of the true variance plus the error variance (σe2)

 

A measure of reliability, therefore, depends on the variability of the test scores: how different the scores are from one another. In criterion-referenced testing, and particularly in mastery testing, how different the scores are from one another is seldom a focus of interest. In fact, individual differences between examinees on total test scores may be minimal. The critical issue for the user of a mastery test is whether or not a certain criterion score has been achieved.

As individual differences (and the variability) decrease, a traditional measure of reliability would also decrease, regardless of the stability of individual performance. Therefore, traditional ways of estimating reliability are not always appropriate for criterion-referenced tests, though there may be instances in which traditional estimates can be adopted. An example might be a situation in which the same test is being used at different stages in some program—training, therapy, or the like—and so variability in scores could reasonably be expected. Statistical techniques useful in determining the reliability of criterion-referenced tests are discussed in great detail in many sources devoted to that subject (e.g., Hambleton & Jurgensen, 1990).

The True Score Model of Measurement and Alternatives to It

Thus far—and throughout this book, unless specifically stated otherwise—the model we have assumed to be operative is  classical test theory (CTT) , also referred to as the true score (or classical) model of measurement. CTT is the most widely used and accepted model in the psychometric literature today—rumors of its demise have been greatly exaggerated (Zickar & Broadfoot, 2009). One of the reasons it has remained the most widely used model has to do with its simplicity, especially when one considers the complexity of other proposed models of measurement. Comparing CTT to IRT, for example, Streiner (2010) mused, “CTT is much simpler to understand than IRT; there aren’t formidable-looking equations with exponentiations, Greek letters, and other arcane symbols” (p. 185). Additionally, the CTT notion that everyone has a “true score” on a test has had, and continues to have, great intuitive appeal. Of course, exactly how to define this elusive true score has been a matter of sometimes contentious debate. For our purposes, we will define  true score  as a value that according to classical test theory genuinely reflects an individual’s ability (or trait) level as measured by a particular test. Let’s emphasize here that this value is indeed very test dependent. A person’s “true score” on one intelligence test, for example, can vary greatly from that same person’s “true score” on another intelligence test. Similarly, if “Form D” of an ability test contains items that the testtaker finds to be much more difficult than those on “Form E” of that test, then there is a good chance that the testtaker’s true score on Form D will be lower than that on Form E. The same holds for true scores obtained on different tests of personality. One’s true score on one test of extraversion, for example, may not bear much resemblance to one’s true score on another test of extraversion. Comparing a testtaker’s scores on two different tests purporting to measure the same thing requires a sophisticated knowledge of the properties of each of the two tests, as well as some rather complicated statistical procedures designed to equate the scores.

Another aspect of the appeal of CTT is that its assumptions allow for its application in most situations (Hambleton & Swaminathan, 1985). The fact that CTT assumptions are rather easily met and therefore applicable to so many measurement situations can be Page 164advantageous, especially for the test developer in search of an appropriate model of measurement for a particular application. Still, in psychometric parlance, CTT assumptions are characterized as “weak”—this precisely because its assumptions are so readily met. By contrast, the assumptions in another model of measurement, item response theory (IRT), are more difficult to meet. As a consequence, you may read of IRT assumptions being characterized in terms such as “strong,” “hard,” “rigorous,” and “robust.” A final advantage of CTT over any other model of measurement has to do with its compatibility and ease of use with widely used statistical techniques (as well as most currently available data analysis software). Factor analytic techniques, whether exploratory or confirmatory, are all “based on the CTT measurement foundation” (Zickar & Broadfoot, 2009, p. 52).

For all of its appeal, measurement experts have also listed many problems with CTT. For starters, one problem with CTT has to do with its assumption concerning the equivalence of all items on a test; that is, all items are presumed to be contributing equally to the score total. This assumption is questionable in many cases, and particularly questionable when doubt exists as to whether the scaling of the instrument in question is genuinely interval level in nature. Another problem has to do with the length of tests that are developed using a CTT model. Whereas test developers favor shorter rather than longer tests (as do most testtakers), the assumptions inherent in CTT favor the development of longer rather than shorter tests. For these reasons, as well as others, alternative measurement models have been developed. Below we briefly describe domain sampling theory and generalizability theory. We will then describe in greater detail, item response theory (IRT), a measurement model that some believe is a worthy successor to CTT (Borsbroom, 2005; Harvey & Hammer, 1999).

Domain sampling theory and generalizability theory

The 1950s saw the development of a viable alternative to CTT. It was originally referred to as domain sampling theory and is better known today in one of its many modified forms as generalizability theory. As set forth by Tryon (1957), the theory of domain sampling rebels against the concept of a true score existing with respect to the measurement of psychological constructs. Whereas those who subscribe to CTT seek to estimate the portion of a test score that is attributable to error, proponents of  domain sampling theory  seek to estimate the extent to which specific sources of variation under defined conditions are contributing to the test score. In domain sampling theory, a test’s reliability is conceived of as an objective measure of how precisely the test score assesses the domain from which the test draws a sample (Thorndike, 1985). A domain of behavior, or the universe of items that could conceivably measure that behavior, can be thought of as a hypothetical construct: one that shares certain characteristics with (and is measured by) the sample of items that make up the test. In theory, the items in the domain are thought to have the same means and variances of those in the test that samples from the domain. Of the three types of estimates of reliability, measures of internal consistency are perhaps the most compatible with domain sampling theory.

In one modification of domain sampling theory called generalizability theory, a “universe score” replaces that of a “true score” (Shavelson et al., 1989). Developed by Lee J. Cronbach (1970) and his colleagues (Cronbach et al., 1972),  generalizability theory  is based on the idea that a person’s test scores vary from testing to testing because of variables in the testing situation. Instead of conceiving of all variability in a person’s scores as error, Cronbach encouraged test developers and researchers to describe the details of the particular test situation or  universe  leading to a specific test score. This universe is described in terms of its  facets , which include things like the number of items in the test, the amount of training the test scorers have had, and the purpose of the test administration. Page 165According to generalizability theory, given the exact same conditions of all the facets in the universe, the exact same test score should be obtained. This test score is the  universe score , and it is, as Cronbach noted, analogous to a true score in the true score model. Cronbach (1970) explained as follows:

“What is Mary’s typing ability?” This must be interpreted as “What would Mary’s word processing score on this be if a large number of measurements on the test were collected and averaged?” The particular test score Mary earned is just one out of a universe of possible observations. If one of these scores is as acceptable as the next, then the mean, called the universe score and symbolized here by Mp (mean for person p), would be the most appropriate statement of Mary’s performance in the type of situation the test represents.

The universe is a collection of possible measures “of the same kind,” but the limits of the collection are determined by the investigator’s purpose. If he needs to know Mary’s typing ability on May 5 (for example, so that he can plot a learning curve that includes one point for that day), the universe would include observations on that day and on that day only. He probably does want to generalize over passages, testers, and scorers—that is to say, he would like to know Mary’s ability on May 5 without reference to any particular passage, tester, or scorer… .

The person will ordinarily have a different universe score for each universe. Mary’s universe score covering tests on May 5 will not agree perfectly with her universe score for the whole month of May… . Some testers call the average over a large number of comparable observations a “true score”; e.g., “Mary’s true typing rate on 3-minute tests.” Instead, we speak of a “universe score” to emphasize that what score is desired depends on the universe being considered. For any measure there are many “true scores,” each corresponding to a different universe.

When we use a single observation as if it represented the universe, we are generalizing. We generalize over scorers, over selections typed, perhaps over days. If the observed scores from a procedure agree closely with the universe score, we can say that the observation is “accurate,” or “reliable,” or “generalizable.” And since the observations then also agree with each other, we say that they are “consistent” and “have little error variance.” To have so many terms is confusing, but not seriously so. The term most often used in the literature is “reliability.” The author prefers “generalizability” because that term immediately implies “generalization to what?” … There is a different degree of generalizability for each universe. The older methods of analysis do not separate the sources of variation. They deal with a single source of variance, or leave two or more sources entangled. (Cronbach, 1970, pp. 153–154)

How can these ideas be applied? Cronbach and his colleagues suggested that tests be developed with the aid of a generalizability study followed by a decision study. A  generalizability study  examines how generalizable scores from a particular test are if the test is administered in different situations. Stated in the language of generalizability theory, a generalizability study examines how much of an impact different facets of the universe have on the test score. Is the test score affected by group as opposed to individual administration? Is the test score affected by the time of day in which the test is administered? The influence of particular facets on the test score is represented by  coefficients of generalizability . These coefficients are similar to reliability coefficients in the true score model.

After the generalizability study is done, Cronbach et al. (1972) recommended that test developers do a decision study, which involves the application of information from the generalizability study. In the  decision study , developers examine the usefulness of test scores in helping the test user make decisions. In practice, test scores are used to guide a variety of decisions, from placing a child in special education to hiring new employees to Page 166discharging mental patients from the hospital. The decision study is designed to tell the test user how test scores should be used and how dependable those scores are as a basis for decisions, depending on the context of their use. Why is this so important? Cronbach (1970) noted:

The decision that a student has completed a course or that a patient is ready for termination of therapy must not be seriously influenced by chance errors, temporary variations in performance, or the tester’s choice of questions. An erroneous favorable decision may be irreversible and may harm the person or the community. Even when reversible, an erroneous unfavorable decision is unjust, disrupts the person’s morale, and perhaps retards his development. Research, too, requires dependable measurement. An experiment is not very informative if an observed difference could be accounted for by chance variation. Large error variance is likely to mask a scientifically important outcome. Taking a better measure improves the sensitivity of an experiment in the same way that increasing the number of subjects does. (p. 152)

Generalizability has not replaced CTT. Perhaps one of its chief contributions has been its emphasis on the fact that a test’s reliability does not reside within the test itself. From the perspective of generalizability theory, a test’s reliability is very much a function of the circumstances under which the test is developed, administered, and interpreted.

Item response theory (IRT)

Another alternative to the true score model is item response theory (IRT; Lord & Novick, 1968; Lord, 1980). The procedures of item response theory provide a way to model the probability that a person with X ability will be able to perform at a level of Y. Stated in terms of personality assessment, it models the probability that a person with X amount of a particular personality trait will exhibit Y amount of that trait on a personality test designed to measure it. Because so often the psychological or educational construct being measured is physically unobservable (stated another way, is latent) and because the construct being measured may be a trait (it could also be something else, such as an ability), a synonym for IRT in the academic literature is  latent-trait theory . Let’s note at the outset, however, that IRT is not a term used to refer to a single theory or method. Rather, it refers to a family of theories and methods—and quite a large family at that—with many other names used to distinguish specific approaches. There are well over a hundred varieties of IRT models. Each model is designed to handle data with certain assumptions and data characteristics.

Examples of two characteristics of items within an IRT framework are the difficulty level of an item and the item’s level of discrimination; items may be viewed as varying in terms of these, as well as other, characteristics. “Difficulty” in this sense refers to the attribute of not being easily accomplished, solved, or comprehended. In a mathematics test, for example, a test item tapping basic addition ability will have a lower difficulty level than a test item tapping basic algebra skills. The characteristic of difficulty as applied to a test item may also refer to physical difficulty—that is, how hard or easy it is for a person to engage in a particular activity. Consider in this context three items on a hypothetical “Activities of Daily Living Questionnaire” (ADLQ), a true–false questionnaire designed to tap the extent to which respondents are physically able to participate in activities of daily living. Item 1 of this test is I am able to walk from room to room in my home. Item 2 is I require assistance to sit, stand, and walk. Item 3 is I am able to jog one mile a day, seven days a week. With regard to difficulty related to mobility, the respondent who answers true to item 1 and false to item 2 may be presumed to have more mobility than the respondent who answers false to item 1 and true to item 2. In classical test theory, each of these items might be scored with 1 point awarded to responses indicative Page 167of mobility and 0 points for responses indicative of a lack of mobility. Within IRT, however, responses indicative of mobility (as opposed to a lack of mobility or impaired mobility) may be assigned different weights. A true response to item 1 may therefore earn more points than a false response to item 2, and a true response to item 3 may earn more points than a true response to item 1.

In the context of IRT,  discrimination  signifies the degree to which an item differentiates among people with higher or lower levels of the trait, ability, or whatever it is that is being measured. Consider two more ADLQ items: item 4, My mood is generally good; and item 5, I am able to walk one block on flat ground. Which of these two items do you think would be more discriminating in terms of the respondent’s physical abilities? If you answered “item 5” then you are correct. And if you were developing this questionnaire within an IRT framework, you would probably assign differential weight to the value of these two items. Item 5 would be given more weight for the purpose of estimating a person’s level of physical activity than item 4. Again, within the context of classical test theory, all items of the test might be given equal weight and scored, for example, 1 if indicative of the ability being measured and 0 if not indicative of that ability.

A number of different IRT models exist to handle data resulting from the administration of tests with various characteristics and in various formats. For example, there are IRT models designed to handle data resulting from the administration of tests with  dichotomous test items  (test items or questions that can be answered with only one of two alternative responses, such as true–false, yes–no, or correct–incorrect questions). There are IRT models designed to handle data resulting from the administration of tests with  polytomous test items  (test items or questions with three or more alternative responses, where only one is scored correct or scored as being consistent with a targeted trait or other construct). Other IRT models exist to handle other types of data.

In general, latent-trait models differ in some important ways from CTT. For example, in CTT, no assumptions are made about the frequency distribution of test scores. By contrast, such assumptions are inherent in latent-trait models. As Allen and Yen (1979, p. 240) have pointed out, “Latent-trait theories propose models that describe how the latent trait influences performance on each test item. Unlike test scores or true scores, latent traits theoretically can take on values from −∞ to +∞ [negative infinity to positive infinity].” Some IRT models have very specific and stringent assumptions about the underlying distribution. In one group of IRT models developed by the Danish mathematician Georg Rasch, each item on the test is assumed to have an equivalent relationship with the construct being measured by the test. A shorthand reference to these types of models is “Rasch,” so reference to the  Rasch model  is a reference to an IRT model with very specific assumptions about the underlying distribution.

The psychometric advantages of IRT have made this model appealing, especially to commercial and academic test developers and to large-scale test publishers. It is a model that in recent years has found increasing application in standardized tests, professional licensing examinations, and questionnaires used in behavioral and social sciences (De Champlain, 2010). However, the mathematical sophistication of the approach has made it out of reach for many everyday users of tests such as classroom teachers or “mom and pop” employers (Reise & Henson, 2003). To learn more about the approach that Roid (2006) once characterized as having fostered “new rules of measurement” for ability testing ask your instructor to access the Instructor Resources within Connect and check out OOBAL-5-B2, “Item Response Theory (IRT).” More immediately, you can meet a “real-life” user of IRT in this chapter’s  Meet an Assessment Professional  feature.Page 168

MEET AN ASSESSMENT PROFESSIONAL

Meet Dr. Bryce B. Reeve

Iuse my skills and training as a psychometrician to design questionnaires and studies to capture the burden of cancer and its treatment on patients and their families… . The types of questionnaires I help to create measure a person’s health-related quality of life (HRQOL). HRQOL is a multidimensional construct capturing such domains as physical functioning, mental well-being, and social well-being. Different cancer types and treatments for those cancers may have different impact on the magnitude and which HRQOL domain is affected. All cancers can impact a person’s mental health with documented increases in depressive symptoms and anxiety… . There may also be positive impacts of cancer as some cancer survivors experience greater social well-being and appreciation of life. Thus, our challenge is to develop valid and precise measurement tools that capture these changes in patients’ lives. Psychometrically strong measures also allow us to evaluate the impact of new behavioral or pharmacological interventions developed to improve quality of life. Because many patients in our research studies are ill, it is important to have very brief questionnaires to minimize their burden responding to a battery of questionnaires.

… we … use both qualitative and quantitative methodologies to design … HRQOL instruments. We use qualitative methods like focus groups and cognitive interviewing to make sure we have captured the experiences and perspectives of cancer patients and to write questions that are comprehendible to people with low literacy skills or people of different cultures. We use quantitative methods to examine how well individual questions and scales perform for measuring the HRQOL domains. Specifically, we use classical test theory, factor analysis, and item response theory (IRT) to: (1) develop and refine questionnaires; (2) identify the performance of instruments across different age groups, males and females, and cultural/racial groups; and (3) to develop item banks which allow for creating standardized questionnaires or administering computerized adaptive testing (CAT).

Bryce B. Reeve, Ph.D., U.S. National Cancer Institute © Bryce B. Reeve/National Institute of Health

I use IRT models to get an in-depth look as to how questions and scales perform in our cancer research studies. [Using IRT], we were able to reduce a burdensome 21-item scale down to a brief 10-item scale… .

Differential item function (DIF) is a key methodology to identify … biased items in questionnaires. I have used IRT modeling to examine DIF in item responses on many HRQOL questionnaires. It is especially important to evaluate DIF in questionnaires that have been translated to multiple languages for the purpose of conducting international research studies. An instrument may be translated to have the same words in multiple languages, but the words themselves may have entirely different meaning to people of different cultures. For example, researchers at the University of Massachusetts found Chinese respondents gave lower satisfaction ratings of their medical doctors than non-Chinese. In a review of the translation, the “Excellent” response category translated into Chinese as “God-like.” IRT modeling gives me the ability to not only detect DIF items, but the flexibility to correct for bias as well. I can use IRT to look at unadjusted and adjusted IRT scores to see the effect of the DIF item without removing the item from the scale if the item is deemed relevant… .Page 169

The greatest challenges I found to greater application or acceptance of IRT methods in health care research are the complexities of the models themselves and lack of easy-to-understand resources and tools to train researchers. Many researchers have been trained in classical test theory statistics, are comfortable interpreting these statistics, and can use readily available software to generate easily familiar summary statistics, such as Cronbach’s coefficient α or item-total correlations. In contrast, IRT modeling requires an advanced knowledge of measurement theory to understand the mathematical complexities of the models, to determine whether the assumptions of the IRT models are met, and to choose the model from within the large family of IRT models that best fits the data and the measurement task at hand. In addition, the supporting software and literature are not well adapted for researchers outside the field of educational testing.

Read more of what Dr. Reeve had to say—his complete essay—through the Instructor Resources within Connect.

Used with permission of Bryce B. Reeve.

Reliability and Individual Scores

The reliability coefficient helps the test developer build an adequate measuring instrument, and it helps the test user select a suitable test. However, the usefulness of the reliability coefficient does not end with test construction and selection. By employing the reliability coefficient in the formula for the standard error of measurement, the test user now has another descriptive statistic relevant to test interpretation, this one useful in estimating the precision of a particular test score.

The Standard Error of Measurement

The standard error of measurement, often abbreviated as SEM or SEM, provides a measure of the precision of an observed test score. Stated another way, it provides an estimate of the amount of error inherent in an observed score or measurement. In general, the relationship between the SEM and the reliability of a test is inverse; the higher the reliability of a test (or individual subtest within a test), the lower the SEM.

To illustrate the utility of the SEM, let’s revisit The Rochester Wrenchworks (TRW) and reintroduce Mary (from Cronbach’s excerpt earlier in this chapter), who is now applying for a job as a word processor. To be hired at TRW as a word processor, a candidate must be able to word-process accurately at the rate of 50 words per minute. The personnel office administers a total of seven brief word-processing tests to Mary over the course of seven business days. In words per minute, Mary’s scores on each of the seven tests are as follows:

52 55 39 56 35 50 54

If you were in charge of hiring at TRW and you looked at these seven scores, you might logically ask, “Which of these scores is the best measure of Mary’s ‘true’ word-processing ability?” And more to the point, “Which is her ‘true’ score?”

The “true” answer to this question is that we cannot conclude with absolute certainty from the data we have exactly what Mary’s true word-processing ability is. We can, however, make an educated guess. Our educated guess would be that her true word-processing ability is equal to the mean of the distribution of her word-processing scores plus or minus a number of points accounted for by error in the measurement process. We do not know how many points are accounted for by error in the measurement process. The best we can do is estimate how much error entered into a particular test score.

The  standard error of measurement  is the tool used to estimate or infer the extent to which an observed score deviates from a true score. We may define the standard error of Page 170measurement as the standard deviation of a theoretically normal distribution of test scores obtained by one person on equivalent tests. Also known as the  standard error of a score  and denoted by the symbol σmeas, the standard error of measurement is an index of the extent to which one individual’s scores vary over tests presumed to be parallel. In accordance with the true score model, an obtained test score represents one point in the theoretical distribution of scores the testtaker could have obtained. But where on the continuum of possible scores is this obtained score? If the standard deviation for the distribution of test scores is known (or can be calculated) and if an estimate of the reliability of the test is known (or can be calculated), then an estimate of the standard error of a particular score (or, the standard error of measurement) can be determined by the following formula:

 

where σmeas is equal to the standard error of measurement, σ is equal to the standard deviation of test scores by the group of testtakers, and rxx is equal to the reliability coefficient of the test. The standard error of measurement allows us to estimate, with a specific level of confidence, the range in which the true score is likely to exist.

If, for example, a spelling test has a reliability coefficient of .84 and a standard deviation of 10, then

 

In order to use the standard error of measurement to estimate the range of the true score, we make an assumption: If the individual were to take a large number of equivalent tests, scores on those tests would tend to be normally distributed, with the individual’s true score as the mean. Because the standard error of measurement functions like a standard deviation in this context, we can use it to predict what would happen if an individual took additional equivalent tests:

· approximately 68% (actually, 68.26%) of the scores would be expected to occur within ±1σmeas of the true score;

· approximately 95% (actually, 95.44%) of the scores would be expected to occur within ±2σmeas of the true score;

· approximately 99% (actually, 99.74%) of the scores would be expected to occur within ±3σmeas of the true score.

Of course, we don’t know the true score for any individual testtaker, so we must estimate it. The best estimate available of the individual’s true score on the test is the test score already obtained. Thus, if a student achieved a score of 50 on one spelling test and if the test had a standard error of measurement of 4, then—using 50 as the point estimate—we can be:

· 68% (actually, 68.26%) confident that the true score falls within 50 ± 1σmeas (or between 46 and 54, including 46 and 54);

· 95% (actually, 95.44%) confident that the true score falls within 50 ± 2σmeas (or between 42 and 58, including 42 and 58);

· 99% (actually, 99.74%) confident that the true score falls within 50 ± 3σmeas (or between 38 and 62, including 38 and 62).

The standard error of measurement, like the reliability coefficient, is one way of expressing test reliability. If the standard deviation of a test is held constant, then the smaller the σmeas, the more reliable the test will be; as rxx increases, the σmeas decreases. For example, when a reliability coefficient equals .64 and σ equals 15, the standard error of measurement equals 9:

Page 171

With a reliability coefficient equal to .96 and σ still equal to 15, the standard error of measurement decreases to 3:

 

In practice, the standard error of measurement is most frequently used in the interpretation of individual test scores. For example, intelligence tests are given as part of the assessment of individuals for intellectual disability. One of the criteria for mental retardation is an IQ score of 70 or below (when the mean is 100 and the standard deviation is 15) on an individually administered intelligence test (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). One question that could be asked about these tests is how scores that are close to the cutoff value of 70 should be treated. Specifically, how high above 70 must a score be for us to conclude confidently that the individual is unlikely to be retarded? Is 72 clearly above the retarded range, so that if the person were to take a parallel form of the test, we could be confident that the second score would be above 70? What about a score of 75? A score of 79?

Useful in answering such questions is an estimate of the amount of error in an observed test score. The standard error of measurement provides such an estimate. Further, the standard error of measurement is useful in establishing what is called a  confidence interval : a range or band of test scores that is likely to contain the true score.

Consider an application of a confidence interval with one hypothetical measure of adult intelligence. The manual for the test provides a great deal of information relevant to the reliability of the test as a whole as well as more specific reliability-related information for each of its subtests. As reported in the manual, the standard deviation is 3 for the subtest scaled scores and 15 for IQ scores. Across all of the age groups in the normative sample, the average reliability coefficient for the Full Scale IQ (FSIQ) is .98, and the average standard error of measurement for the FSIQ is 2.3.

Knowing an individual testtaker’s FSIQ score and his or her age, we can calculate a confidence interval. For example, suppose a 22-year-old testtaker obtained a FSIQ of 75. The test user can be 95% confident that this testtaker’s true FSIQ falls in the range of 70 to 80. This is so because the 95% confidence interval is set by taking the observed score of 75, plus or minus 1.96, multiplied by the standard error of measurement. In the test manual we find that the standard error of measurement of the FSIQ for a 22-year-old testtaker is 2.37. With this information in hand, the 95% confidence interval is calculated as follows:

 

The calculated interval of 4.645 is rounded to the nearest whole number, 5. We can therefore be 95% confident that this testtaker’s true FSIQ on this particular test of intelligence lies somewhere in the range of the observed score of 75 plus or minus 5, or somewhere in the range of 70 to 80.

In the interest of increasing your SEM “comfort level,” consider the data presented in Table 5–5. These are SEMs for selected age ranges and selected types of IQ measurements as reported in the Technical Manual for the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales, fifth edition (SB5). When presenting these and related data, Roid (2003c, p. 65) noted: “Scores that are more precise and consistent have smaller differences between true and observed scores, resulting in lower SEMs.” Given this, just think: What hypotheses come to mind regarding SB5 IQ scores at ages 5, 10, 15, and 80+?

  Age (in years)
IQ Type 5 10 15 80+
Full Scale IQ 2.12 2.60 2.12 2.12
Nonverbal IQ 3.35 2.67 3.00 3.00
Verbal IQ 3.00 3.35 3.00 2.60
Abbreviated Battery IQ 4.24 5.20 4.50 3.00
Table 5–5

Standard Errors of Measurement of SB5 IQ Scores at Ages 5, 10, 15, and 80+

The standard error of measurement can be used to set the confidence interval for a particular score or to determine whether a score is significantly different from a criterion (such as the cutoff score of 70 described previously). But the standard error of measurement cannot be used to compare scores. So, how do test users compare scores?Page 172

The Standard Error of the Difference Between Two Scores

Error related to any of the number of possible variables operative in a testing situation can contribute to a change in a score achieved on the same test, or a parallel test, from one administration of the test to the next. The amount of error in a specific test score is embodied in the standard error of measurement. But scores can change from one testing to the next for reasons other than error.

True differences in the characteristic being measured can also affect test scores. These differences may be of great interest, as in the case of a personnel officer who must decide which of many applicants to hire. Indeed, such differences may be hoped for, as in the case of a psychotherapy researcher who hopes to prove the effectiveness of a particular approach to therapy. Comparisons between scores are made using the  standard error of the difference , a statistical measure that can aid a test user in determining how large a difference should be before it is considered statistically significant. As you are probably aware from your course in statistics, custom in the field of psychology dictates that if the probability is more than 5% that the difference occurred by chance, then, for all intents and purposes, it is presumed that there was no difference. A more rigorous standard is the 1% standard. Applying the 1% standard, no statistically significant difference would be deemed to exist unless the observed difference could have occurred by chance alone less than one time in a hundred.

The standard error of the difference between two scores can be the appropriate statistical tool to address three types of questions:

1. How did this individual’s performance on test 1 compare with his or her performance on test 2?

2. How did this individual’s performance on test 1 compare with someone else’s performance on test 1?

3. How did this individual’s performance on test 1 compare with someone else’s performance on test 2?

As you might have expected, when comparing scores achieved on the different tests, it is essential that the scores be converted to the same scale. The formula for the standard error of the difference between two scores is

 

where σdiff is the standard error of the difference between two scores, is the squared standard error of measurement for test 1, and is the squared standard error of measurement for test 2. If we substitute reliability coefficients for the standard errors of measurement of the separate scores, the formula becomes

Page 173

where r1 is the reliability coefficient of test 1, r2 is the reliability coefficient of test 2, and σ is the standard deviation. Note that both tests would have the same standard deviation because they must be on the same scale (or be converted to the same scale) before a comparison can be made.

The standard error of the difference between two scores will be larger than the standard error of measurement for either score alone because the former is affected by measurement error in both scores. This also makes good sense: If two scores each contain error such that in each case the true score could be higher or lower, then we would want the two scores to be further apart before we conclude that there is a significant difference between them.

The value obtained by calculating the standard error of the difference is used in much the same way as the standard error of the mean. If we wish to be 95% confident that the two scores are different, we would want them to be separated by 2 standard errors of the difference. A separation of only 1 standard error of the difference would give us 68% confidence that the two true scores are different.

As an illustration of the use of the standard error of the difference between two scores, consider the situation of a corporate personnel manager who is seeking a highly responsible person for the position of vice president of safety. The personnel officer in this hypothetical situation decides to use a new published test we will call the Safety-Mindedness Test (SMT) to screen applicants for the position. After placing an ad in the employment section of the local newspaper, the personnel officer tests 100 applicants for the position using the SMT. The personnel officer narrows the search for the vice president to the two highest scorers on the SMT: Moe, who scored 125, and Larry, who scored 134. Assuming the measured reliability of this test to be .92 and its standard deviation to be 14, should the personnel officer conclude that Larry performed significantly better than Moe? To answer this question, first calculate the standard error of the difference:

 

Note that in this application of the formula, the two test reliability coefficients are the same because the two scores being compared are derived from the same test.

What does this standard error of the difference mean? For any standard error of the difference, we can be:

· 68% confident that two scores differing by 1σdiff represent true score differences;

· 95% confident that two scores differing by 2σdiff represent true score differences;

· 99.7% confident that two scores differing by 3σdiff represent true score differences.

Applying this information to the standard error of the difference just computed for the SMT, we see that the personnel officer can be:

· 68% confident that two scores differing by 5.6 represent true score differences;

· 95% confident that two scores differing by 11.2 represent true score differences;

· 99.7% confident that two scores differing by 16.8 represent true score differences.

The difference between Larry’s and Moe’s scores is only 9 points, not a large enough difference for the personnel officer to conclude with 95% confidence that the two individuals have true scores that differ on this test. Stated another way: If Larry and Moe were to take a parallel form of the SMT, then the personnel officer could not be 95% confident that, at the next testing, Larry would again outperform Moe. The personnel officer in this example would have to resort to other means to decide whether Moe, Larry, or someone else would be the best candidate for the position (Curly has been patiently waiting in the wings).

JUST THINK . . .

With all of this talk about Moe, Larry, and Curly, please tell us that you have not forgotten about Mary. You know, Mary from the Cronbach quote on page 165—yes, that Mary. Should she get the job at TRW? If your instructor thinks it would be useful to do so, do the math before responding.

Page 174

As a postscript to the preceding example, suppose Larry got the job primarily on the basis of data from our hypothetical SMT. And let’s further suppose that it soon became all too clear that Larry was the hands-down absolute worst vice president of safety that the company had ever seen. Larry spent much of his time playing practical jokes on fellow corporate officers, and he spent many of his off-hours engaged in his favorite pastime, flagpole sitting. The personnel officer might then have very good reason to question how well the instrument called the Safety-Mindedness Test truly measured safety-mindedness. Or, to put it another way, the personnel officer might question the validity of the test. Not coincidentally, the subject of test validity is taken up in the next chapter.

Self-Assessment

Test your understanding of elements of this chapter by seeing if you can explain each of the following terms, expressions, and abbreviations:

· alternate forms

· alternate-forms reliability

· average proportional distance (APD)

· classical test theory (CTT)

· coefficient alpha

· coefficient of equivalence

· coefficient of generalizability

· coefficient of inter-scorer reliability

· coefficient of stability

· confidence interval

· content sampling

· criterion-referenced test

· decision study

· dichotomous test item

· discrimination

· domain sampling theory

· dynamic characteristic

· error variance

· estimate of inter-item consistency

· facet

· generalizability study

· generalizability theory

· heterogeneity

· homogeneity

· inflation of range/variance

· information function

· inter-item consistency

· internal consistency estimate of reliability

· inter-scorer reliability

· item response theory (IRT)

· item sampling

· Kuder–Richardson formula 20

· latent-trait theory

· measurement error

· odd-even reliability

· parallel forms

· parallel-forms reliability

· polytomous test item

· power test

· random error

· Rasch model

· reliability

· reliability coefficient

· replicability crisis

· restriction of range/variance

· Spearman–Brown formula

· speed test

· split-half reliability

· standard error of a score

· standard error of measurement

· standard error of the difference

· static characteristic

· systematic error

· test battery

· test-retest reliability

· transient error

· true score

· true variance

· universe

· universe score

· variance

 
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Case Study: Self Role As A Counselor For Feminist Therapy homework help

Case Study: Self Role As A Counselor For Feminist Therapy homework help

  • Understand the application of feminist therapy concepts to counseling.
  • Identify techniques commonly used in feminist therapy practice.

Directions: Assume the perspective of a feminist therapist, and show how you would proceed with Marina by answering the questions that follow the case description.

Marina: “Searching for Identity”

By Mary M. Read, PhD, Director of Clinical Training in the Counseling Department at California State University, Fullerton

Background

Marina is a 38-year-old single woman who came into therapy to better understand her emerging racial and sexual identities, as well as to cope with some issues surfacing from her traumatic childhood. She is having trouble keeping her job due to excessive tardiness. She links this to her “head feeling scattered” from new information she just received about her ethnic background and a budding attraction to women, when she had previously expressed herself as heterosexual. She admits to feeling “extremely down” at times, and she is struggling to incorporate conflicting views of herself on her own.

Feminist Therapy Approach from Dr. Read

Marina was referred to me by a coworker, specifically because of my feminist orientation to therapy. “I don’t want anyone to tell me what to do or how to be—I just want to get a handle on who I am so I can get on with my life,” Marina tells me in our first meeting. I assure her that we will explore her issues together, focusing on her strengths, and that she will be responsible for making the choices for her own life. She will be the expert on who she is and wants to become, and I will work to provide hope, encouragement, and support as she moves through this process. We discuss what feminism means in the context of therapy, and I leave plenty of time for Marina to ask me questions about my background, training, and therapy process, leveling the power differential between us somewhat.

Significantly, until recently Marina had been unaware that her father is African American. He left the family before she was 3 years old. Her mother’s family, of northern European descent, never shared with Marina why she did not have blonde hair and blue eyes like the rest of her family. Her brown hair, eyes, and café au lait skin tone matched others in her primarily Latino neighborhood, and she had assumed that her father was Hispanic. She has now met him once and finds that “a piece of the puzzle of who I am just fell into place,” yet some of the information he imparted is also very upsetting. Her father confirmed some of the memories Marina has about being verbally and physically abused by her mother and maternal aunt when she was very young, which progressed to sexual abuse when she reached puberty. Being sexually victimized by female relatives has made it very hard for Marina to explore her own sexuality, especially her developing realization of bisexual attractions.

Marina’s job is on the line, so we focus first on what it would take to please her boss (a woman) enough to successfully complete the remediation plan at work to salvage her job, then earn a better employee evaluation for the next period. This brings up Marina’s lack of sleep from frequent nightmares, resulting in missing her alarm once she finally returns to sleep. As well, Marina’s mood at work has been “grumpy and distracted” by her own admission. I ask if Marina has shared with her boss any of the extenuating circumstances that have caused a drop in her work performance, and she hasn’t. This brings up a choice point, where Marina could go along one path or another, disclosing personal information to her boss or not. Marina and I explore different avenues (mainly by role play and visualization) before she makes her selection, as part of informed consent. Understanding the risk-to-benefit ratio of her choices is part of what gives Marina the empowerment to make changes in her life.

I also encourage Marina to get a good physical from a medical doctor because she has been ignoring her health for some time. There are several female physicians to whom I routinely refer, and Marina agrees to make an appointment with one. The whole person is a focus of feminist therapy, and self-care is a vital tool of empowerment. We also discuss the possibility of seeing a psychiatrist if her depression worsens, or if her posttraumatic symptoms continue to interrupt her sleep. She is hesitant to follow through with this referral because, as she says, “I don’t want to be called crazy for what I remember.” I assure Marina that I do not see her as crazy, and that it is very common for children in abusive situations to develop coping skills that in the moment help them survive, yet in the long run also cause some problems.

Apparently, this has happened for Marina, who admits at our third meeting that she had seen a psychologist previously for a few sessions. “He gave me some tests, then said I was ‘Borderline,’ which sounded pretty hopeless, so I didn’t go back.” I explained to Marina that sometimes children who experience very early trust wounds, usually with their primary caregivers, later have difficulty figuring out who they are relative to others, and go back and forth on whether others are trustworthy or not. Given Marina’s complicated history with multiple losses and traumas, this pattern of development made sense. I encourage her to read books on the subject of surviving trauma in childhood, including John Briere’s Child Abuse and Trauma (Sage Publications, 1992), which talks about psychological symptoms as coping strategies that fit within the context of abuse. This feminist view of the diagnostic process allows for the development of better coping skills over time, emphasizing choice and empowerment versus abnormality and deficit. A strengths-based perspective, essential in feminist therapy, is thus preserved in the context of diagnosis.

Rather than see Marina through the lens of her diagnosis, she and I discuss how she is feeling about our relationship in each session. We make room for her to feel positively and negatively toward me, the therapy process, and the therapeutic relationship, not taking the feelings of the moment as the last word, but simply another layer of information to guide our work together. When she is angry with me, we explore what she might have wanted to be different, and whether that can be arranged, within the boundaries of therapy. For example, when I looked at the clock near the end of one session to be sure we ended on time, Marina came in the following session accusing me of being uncaring and wanting to be rid of her. Now, if I wonder about the time, I ask her where she thinks we are in the session, and we look at the clock together to gauge how to process where she is and where she’d like to be by session’s end. We both approach the end of the session differently now, and are learning from that shift.

To explore her emerging identities, I encourage Marina to participate in cultural events that provide a systemic context for her unique ways of being. She is becoming active in an African American singing and drumming group, wearing traditional African garb for performances. The rich cultural inheritance she now embraces helps her move from feeling “different” to “special,” which is increasing her self-esteem. I also encourage her to participate in events like Pride Festivals for the LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender) communities, where many participants experience and express a sense of sexuality alternative to society’s hetero-normative views.

Embracing two identities that have been heavily stigmatized and oppressed over the years is a challenge for Marina because of society’s injustice rather than because of a deficit in Marina. She now realizes that her differences can be causes for celebration rather than discrimination, that social justice demands equality for all races and sexualities, and that finding her way in these alternative identities will take some navigating over time and in different contexts. Marina continues to use the support of feminist counseling to help her embrace her emerging identities and to explore ways to work for a more inclusive, tolerant society.

You Continue as the Therapist

(1) Marina decides to talk to her boss about why she has had issues being tardy (interrupted sleep), but she only discloses learning of her father’s ethnicity, not her child abuse history or shifting sense of sexuality. Marina reports that her boss responded by making a derogatory comment about African Americans. How would you process this with Marina? What are your responsibilities as a feminist counselor?

(2) Given that therapy is an intimate context, Marina begins to indicate she is experiencing feelings of attraction to you. How do you process this from a feminist perspective? How do you balance power-sharing with keeping appropriate therapeutic boundaries?

(3) Marina eventually loses her job, and with it the insurance coverage that paid for her therapy with you. As a feminist, how do you negotiate a new arrangement with Marina, ensuring she continues to receive needed support

answer the three questions and number responses only.

APA format

  • Margins – 1 Inch
  • Font – Times New Roman, Arial or Calibri (12pt)
  • Spacing – Double
  • Length – No Page Length (Questions must be answered thoroughly)
 
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Socw-6121-Responses Wk 2 homework help

Socw-6121-Responses Wk 2 homework help

***Each response needs to be ½ page or more with one reference***

RESPONSE 1

Respond to two colleagues who presented a different strength and/or solution in analyzing one of the levels of practice.

Colleague 1: Kevin

Micro-Level practice focuses on personal interaction with the client on an individual level or with a couple or family. The intervention of micro social work effects change on an individual basis and involves working closely with clients to support them through their challenges while maintaining the client’s self-determination (NASW, 2017).

Mezzo-Level intervention entails bringing people together who are not as intimate as a couple or group of family members but might mutually build and benefit from this social or resource network (Holosko, Dulmus & Sowers, 2012). It might directly change the system that is affecting a client, such as a classroom or neighborhood group. Mezzo work may include group therapy counseling, self-help groups or neighborhood community associations (NASW, 2017).

Macro-Level practice focuses on systemic issues. It might include creating and maintaining a network of service providers in order to establish a continuum of care. Macro-level intervention can intersect with the political realm by creating and lobbying for policy changes. The planning, implementation, and maintenance of social programs are also processes which macro-scale approach is applicable. Coordinating multiple services and policy work offers an opportunity to address several overlapping social problems (NASW, 2017).

Explain how you would assess Paula Cortez’s situation applying the micro-level of social work practice and specifically identify two strengths and/or solutions in this level

The student understands the essential concepts of Paula’s self-determination. Nevertheless, a micro-level approach could assist her through counseling, empathy, active listening, goal setting and building rapport with her to produce a healthy therapeutic relationship (Arendt, 2017). The directive for recognizing and focusing on Paula’s strengths is crucial to the committed client empowerment and fulfillment. Paula’s resilience was drawn from her cultural background that played a part in her independence especially from mainstream medicine. Also, Paula’s strengths were exhibited in her uniqueness in teaching herself how to paint with her non-dominant hand and her ability to gather professionals together to work with her (Cowger, 1994).

Describe how you would assess Paula Cortez’s situation applying the mezzo-level of social work practice and specifically identify two strengths and/or solutions in this level

The student would be non-judgmental and resourceful and use the mezzo-level approach when it comes to connecting Paula with the right referrals to assist her with preparation for the pregnancy (Plummer, Makris & Brocksen, 2014).The psychiatrist also was a supportive example of a mezzo interaction regarding Paula’s well-being during her pregnancy and worked with the social worker in making the hard decision of having Paula involuntarily admitted into the hospital (Plummer et al., 2014). Clearly, Paula’s resilience proceeds her, and it created a sense of purpose; a new beginning from what was a troublesome past filled with disappointment, emotional and physical abuse (Plummer et al., 2014).

Describe how you would assess Paula Cortez’s situation applying the macro-level of social work practice and specifically identify two strengths and/or solutions in this level

The student also recognizes that macro-level social work is essential in helping Paula to identify her personal needs. With advocating, the social worker can propose interventions and implement strategies through local government assistance, provided reasonable healthcare assistance, food and protected shelter that would aid Paula’s complex needs (Plummer et al., 2014).

Describe what the value of applying strength-based solutions is.

Applying strengths-based approaches will be helpful in successfully shifting the balance of care and developing services that are focused on prevention and independence. For example, Paula’s newborn child created that sense of purpose. Paula became independent and began to acquire social services on her own (Plummer et al., 2014). Paula maintained her autonomy which was of value to her.

References:

Arendt, V. (2017). Changing Areas of Practice: The Transferability of Social Work Skills. New Social Worker24(2), 10-25.

Cowger, C. (1994). Assessing client strengths: clinical assessment for client empowerment. Social Work39(3), 262-268.

Holosko, J., M., Dulmus, N., C., Sowers, M., K. (2012). Social Work Practice with Individuals and Families: Evidence-Informed Assessments and Interventions, 1st Edition. [Bookshelf Online]. Retrieved from https://bookshelf.vitalsource.com/#/books/9781118419359/

Plummer, S.-B., Makris, S., & Brocksen, S. M. (Eds.). (2014a). Sessions: case histories. Baltimore, MD: Laureate International Universities Publishing. [Vital Source e-reader].

The National Association of Social Workers. (2017). Code of ethics. Retrieved from https://www.uaf.edu/socwork/student-information/checklist/(D)-NASW-Code-of-Ethics.pdf

Colleague 2: Lorraine

Your description of how micro-, mezzo-, or macro-levels of practice aid social workers in assessing families. Assess Paula Cortez’s situation using all three of these levels of practice, and identify two strengths and/or solutions in each of these levels.Assessing families is an important part of what we will do as social workers.

Understanding the family unit and how the intricate  parts of this unit interact and affect one another is essential.  On the Micro level it is important to understand each individual unit and the family’s dynamic.  This understanding of the family helps social workers identify how the  influences exist within the overall unit.  On a Mezzo level it is important to understand the families interaction as a group and the groups interaction with the community in which it lives and works.  The families access to resources and whether these resources are being utilized or not.  On a Macro level we examine how this family fits into the social environment on a larger scale and how social policies impact the family as a whole.  According to Holosko, Dulmus & Sowers (2013),  “The key challenge here is to recognize how the common themes of making available material and social resources and achieving health and well-being for all family members are constructed within the global economy and have different meanings across different contexts” (p.244).As I review Paula Cortez’s situation from a Micro level I can see several areas of strength.  However, the strengths I identify here have to do with Paul’s level of resiliency.  Paula has faced several life altering medical conditions, one being her HIV positive status.  Paula has been diagnosed as bipolar, yet has been able to remain out of the hospital of over 5 years.  On a  Mezzo level Paula has been admitted to a skilled nursing facility due to paralysis on her right side, yet has been able to progress within that facility and regain some mobility within her right arm and the ability to walk again.  Paula became pregnant and despite her overwhelming medical condition she has been able to request and receive 24/7 in home services for her child.  On a Macro level Paula is identified as low income.  Although Paula is part of a larger issue regarding poverty and the imbalance of societal wealth,  she is doing her best to utilize public assistance to help her in providing a stable environment for her self and her child.  Paula is utilizing many social resources to assist her with her childcare as well as her health issues (Plummer, Makris & Brocksen, 2013).

Describe the value in strength-based solutions.

I am a overwhelming fan of strength based solutions.  Strength based solutions provide he client with a strong focus on their abilities and on what can be done as opposed to what can’t.  There are key themes social workers should incorporate when assessing families.  According to Holosko, Dulmus & Sowers (2013), “A commitment to the belief that families bring strengths and resources to the helping relationship, and these can be harnessed in finding solutions. This means that the assessment can provide opportunities for exploring both problems and resources within the family” (p.247).  It is important for clients to focus on the genuine possibilities and work towards realistic, measurable and obtainable goals.  When clients are operating from a strengths perspective, they can begin to envision their goals as actual possibilities.  Operating from a strength perspective does not discount the serious nature of the families issues at hand, it incorporates the understanding of the risk involved with the family’s situation while incorporating a strength based approach to it.  According to  Holosko, Dulmus & Sowers (2013), “An understanding that a focus on strengths does not diminish the importance of identifying risk and safety issues and finding ways to protect clients from harm and causing harm” (p.247).

Holosko, M. J., Dulmus, C. N., & Sowers, K. M. (2013). Social work practice with individuals and families: Evidence-informed assessments and interventions. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Chapter 9, “Assessment of Families” (pp. 237–264)

Plummer, S.-B., Makris, S., & Brocksen, S. (Eds.). (2013). Sessions case histories. Baltimore, MD: Laureate International Universities Publishing. “The Cortez Family” (pp. 23–25)

RESPONSE 2

Respond to two colleagues whose assessments of family cohesion differ from yours. Resolve the differences or explain how each viewpoint is valid.

Colleague 1: Farren

The Circumplex Model of Marital and Family Systems is a tool that is used when working with families. The models address three dimensions which are cohesion, flexibility, and communication (Olson, 2000). The model is designed for treatment planning and clinical assessments and focuses on treating marital and family system and focuses on togetherness (Olson, 2000). The goal of this model is to promote flexibility and provide balance amongst the members and create ways to effectively communicate.

The Cortez family would benefit from the Circumplex Model as they appear to lack togetherness and everyone appears to be doing their own separate things. The family would benefit from cohesion as it balances togetherness as the family appears to be very distant from one another (Plummer, Makris, & Brocksen, 2013). Balanced families have better communication skills than unbalanced families (Olson,2000). The Circumplex model would also assess the family’s flexibility as it would assess how the family reacts to change. In the Cortez family, Paula is pregnant and has numerous health issues, and the father had remarried and Miguel was in school and had a job. The family system appears chaotic and the family is distant and has their own lives, however, Miguel did step in and provide some support but it was limited (Plummer, Makris, & Brocksen, 2013). Communication reinforces the previous 2 dimensions (Olson, 2000). In the Cortez family, it does not appear that there is effective communication going on however, Paula and Miguel appear to communicate more together then they do with David.

Assessing these dimensions can assist the social worker in treatment planning as it can help the social worker create goals by assessing the gaps in the family dynamics. In the Cortez case communication amongst the family members appears to be very limited. Also, the family lacks cohesion. The Circumplex Model would have identified these issues and create goals that will alleviate some of the family’s issues if they are able to successfully achieve their goals as the model is designed for clinical assessment and treatment planning (Olson, 2000).

Reference

Olson, D. H. (2000). Circumplex Model of Marital and Family Systems. Journal of Family Therapy, 22(2), 144–167.  Note: You will access this article from the Walden Library databases.

Plummer, S.-B., Makris, S., & Brocksen, S. (Eds.). (2013). Sessions case histories. Baltimore, MD: Laureate International Universities Publishing. “The Cortez Family” (pp. 23–25)

Colleague 2: Amanda

The circumplex model of families and relationships are built on three different dimensions. These dimensions include cohesion, flexibility, and communication (Olson, 2000). Each of these dimensions are broken down to show us how a family functions. Cohesion is described as the amount of time the family spends together as a whole. There are four types of cohesions that could be possible within a family unit, disengaged, separated, connected, and enmeshed (Olson, 2000). Disengaged is the lowest form of togetherness while enmeshed is overly together. Flexibility is like cohesion, but this shows amount of change in its leadership, role relationships, and relationship rules (Olson, 2000). The levels of flexibility include rigid, which is the lowest, structured, flexible, and chaotic, which is the highest level (Olson, 2000). If there is no conformity or leadership within a family unit, there will indeed be chaos. Communication is different and has many different aspects to it. This is when the family unit can communicate with regards to their listening skills, speaking skills, self-disclosure, clarity, continuity tracking, respect, and regard (Olson, 2000). The circumplex model serves as a framework to assess family systems, because each dimension helps you to identify to what degree the family is suffering.

The Cortez family case is slightly complicated. This family unit includes Paula (mother), Miguel (son), and David (father). This family no longer live together as a family due to Paula’s illnesses, however they are still close to one another (Plummer, Makris, & Brocksen, 2013). In the first dimension of the circumplex cohesion, Paula’s family tends to be disengaged. I say disengaged, because David and Miguel are doing their own thing with limited attachment or commitment to Paula (Olson, 2000). The second dimension is flexibility. Paula’s relationship with her son Miguel is chaotic. I chose chaotic because there is no leadership between them, nor is there proper decision making. Paula is constantly going off her medications making her impulsive (Plummer, Makris, & Brocksen, 2000). The last dimension is communication. Paula has poor communication within her family unit. She doesn’t ask for help when needed, and she rarely speaks with Miguel or David unless she must.

Assessing these dimensions helps the social worker in treatment planning, because to set goals and help family units, we must know how the family is functioning daily. This can also help with the breakdown of what maybe causing some family problems. Treatment plans are vital to clients who are struggling to keep their family together such as a separation or divorce. Its helpful to the social worker to set goals, and if these goals are followed than there is a chance the family unit can change, if the goals are not followed than the chance of a change is slim.

References:

Olson, D. H. (2000). Circumplex Model of Marital and Family Systems. Journal of Family Therapy, 22(2), 144–167.

Plummer, S.-B., Makris, S., & Brocksen, S. (Eds.). (2013). Sessions case histories. Baltimore, MD: Laureate International Universities Publishing.

 
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ethical_standards homework help

ethical_standards homework help

Feedback from professor below:

Now, keep moving in this direction. The synthesis and flow of your posts need to be improved upon. All references need to be clearly integrated into your personal perspective. I need to see you use the references as an integrative piece of your posts instead of a standalone piece. We are still working on that analytical piece as discussed in previous dialogue work.

I still need to see more of the application piece I continue to reflect about. Your reference use should be more about how you are analytically reflecting about the research. You are continuing to improve in this area. I encourage you to just continue to work on the application piece of how you are expanding on the authoritative voice used in your posts or your classmates posts.

Topic: Search the web for ethical standards in the Human Services field, then find at least 5 Scriptures describing how we should treat others and care for them. Compare and contrast the Human Service ethics standards with biblical standards. How are they alike? How are they different?  Reply to 3 of your classmates’ threads from the last module/week. Each reply must be at least 150 words and meaningfully expand the discussion. I have 4 below, reply to 3 of the 4. With references!! Thank you.

1. Reply Ra K.

Ethical standards are used as guidelines between the social worker and client.  The guidelines are use to help the client get the most out of their meeting with their social worker. With looking at ethical standards, God is at the center point of putting these in places because He wants to protect His children.  As we go deeper into ethical standards we need to look at them the way God wants us to look at them through scripture.  As we look at the scripture we need to see how different or similar the standards are with the scriptures.

The first ethical standard that needs to be discussed is confidentiality.  Proverbs 26:20-22 states that as a social worker we need to keep things clients tell us to ourselves to keep from having altercations.  As a social worker keeping confidentiality will help your client open up to you more when things that occur in their life are terrible.  Having the trust will help the fire from burning between you and your client.  As in the bible, we do not want to gossip, and this plays a role in being a social worker because no social worker should tell another social worker anything about a client, unless the client

allows the information to be said to other social workers, otherwise harm will come to the client or a person a client knows.  As a social worker, having an understanding of your client is knowing when to be quiet and not gossip about their client (Proverbs 11:12-13).  One thing that is different with confidentiality based on the scriptures is that gossip does happen within the Christian community, and as a social worker it cannot, because of the rules set in the ethics of confidentiality (Psalms 41:6).

The ethical standard that needs to be discussed is to provide services to the client having the right boundaries.  While not following the boundaries within the scope of practice for social work is not counting the cost of what could happen to the social worker going outside of their boundaries (Luke 14:28).  As a social worker you need to look at what you can offer and not be foolish and go outside your scope of practice (Luke 12:28-32).  One difference is God can go outside His scope of practice to do anything, because he is perfect, and as a social worker you cannot go outside your scope because you can lose your job, due to because of the boundaries set in place to protect clients within the standards of ethics (Psalm 18:30).

The ethical standard that needs to be discussed is to treat everyone with worth no matter what culture they have come from or where they are in life. Everyone has a purpose and a reason to be here because they are made in Gods image (1 Corinthians 12:12-14).  There are no small parts; everyone needs be seen as one in humanity.  As social workers we need to look at our clients through God’s eye instead of looking at our out clients through the eyes of a man, because everyone in this world has a purpose (1 Corinthians 12:15-26).  The difference between scripture and the standards of ethics is that people will look through the eye of man to judge people that come from different cultures.

The ethical standard that needs to be discussed is that the social worker and client should not have any sexual contact. (1 Thessalonians 4:3-4), God wants you to away from having sex unless it with your married partner.  As a social worker you should not lust about your client, or want to have any sexual relations with that client (1 Thessalonians 4:5).  That means you should never take advantage of your client in any possible way (1 Thessalonians 4:6).  A social worker who has a relationship with Jesus and does not want to stay clean is rejecting God “who has given us His Holy Spirit” (1 Thessalonians 4:7-8).  There is not real difference between scripture and ethical standards when it comes to sexual contact.

The ethical standard that needs to be discussed with a client is when it is time to terminate the services for the client. It states that in the presence of the social worker, the client is doing the work.  When not in the presence of the social worker they are still working on their goals outside of the office in their daily life (Philippians 2:12-13).  Then the social worker states, you have come as far as you can and you are ready to be done with working with me.  You are ready to keep continuing with God at your side. The difference in the standards of ethics with termination is that when the client is done working with the social worker, God will keep guiding them in the right direction for their future.

References

Code of Ethics of the National Association of Social Workers.  (2014).  Retrieved

September 18, 2014, from, http://www.socialworkers . org/pubs/code/code.

asp

The Life Application Study Bible is an edition of the Holy Bible, New Living

Translation.  (2nd ed.).  (2004).  Carol Stream, IL: Tyndale House Publishers, Inc.

2 Reply

Ter Y The Human Service field is one that requires contact with a wide variety of people with a vast array of problems.  Handling each and every situation/client requires the human service worker to be able to provide proper treatment in regards to dignity, respect and have the client’s welfare top priority.  The human service worker should also hold themselves in the same manner as his/her client, “And just as you want men to do to you, you also do to them like-wise” (Luke 6:31).  They should hold the upmost dignity, and respect while maintaining their integrity in each situation.

Providing a professional relationship should be the only relationship a human service worker is engaged in with each client.  Protecting each client’s right to his/her privacy and confidentiality should also be adhered too.  However, in the instance that withholding information might cause the client or someone else harm, that privacy and confidentiality should be handled in an appropriate manner to ensure the safety of all involved.  The files of the client should also be handled in a confidential manner, with respect to the integrity and safety of the client.

The client should be informed of his/her rights to receive or refuse service, “For each one shall bear his own load” (Galatians 6:5), and understand those rights will be protected. They should also be made aware of the nature of the worker-client relationship with the limits of that relationship and the goals.  The limits of confidentiality and the reason to break confidentiality should also be discussed in the beginning of the worker-client relationship. The human service worker should understand recognize the strengths of the client and use those strengths in a manner to reach the goals set, “Let no corrupt word proceed out of your mouth, but what is good for necessary edification, that it may impart grace to the hearers(Ephesians 4:29).  They should work to not put down the client, but to build them up in order for them to be able to succeed and rise above their current life predicament.

These guidelines that have been outlined by the National Organization of Human Services (2014), are standards that should be upheld to the highest by each human service worker.  Each client is unique in his/her own way and by offering him/her with the highest degree of professionalism with regards to these ethical standards it the right each one holds.

Galatians 3:28 tells us that we are all children of God, and should not be discriminated against because of race, life predicament, or sex.  Just as a worker for a human service agency should view each client as an individual and allow them the freedom of discrimination, as “God shows no partiality” (Acts 10:34), neither should they.  Just as a client should be treated with dignity and respect, Titus 2:7 talks about how we should act as a model of integrity and dignity.

Confidentiality and Privacy not only protects the client’s information and safety, it shows the client that they can trust the human service worker and not have to worry about their situation being thrown out in the open for all to know.  Proverbs 11:12-14 is similar to this in telling us to be understanding of one’s privacy and not break that confidentiality.  This gains respect for the human service worker as well. The ethical code of confidentiality is a very important aspect of the human service-client relationship.  It is not only demanded of the relationship, it gives the client the security to know that his/her situation can be dealt with privately and the fear of their situation being heard on the streets is diminished.

As important as it is to uphold the dignity and integrity of the client, the human service worker must also be concerned with their own integrity.  If they are not a trustworthy person and cannot uphold the code of ethics for the client, then how can the client trust them to help them out of their situation? “Confidence in an unfaithful man in time of trouble Is like a bad tooth and a foot out of joint” (Proverbs 25:19). This verse sums it all up pretty well, if a human service worker is supposed to be a helpful link to a way out of a problem and they cannot be trusted, then the client is only going to be handed more problems.

The Bible and the Human Service Ethics both focus on how to treat human beings with the respect, dignity, upholding his/her integrity and providing the freedom of receiving services without being discriminated against.  Helping people in their time of trouble is not only the job of a human service worker, but can also be a rewarding experience, “Therefore comfort each other and edify one another, just as you also are doing” (1 Thessalonians 5:11), Working with people in need can be as uplifting and inspiring to the human service worker as it is to the client. Having ethical standards that are set in place to protect the client as well as the human service worker allows both parties to be insured that the dignity, integrity and respect of both parties will be protected.

When working in the human service field, we all have our own beliefs and values and desire to help those in immediate need. Working in the human service field requires a person to not only follow the code of ethics, but to also understand how having their own religious values and beliefs plays a huge role in how they view those they are helping.  I feel that the Bible works hand in hand with the code of ethics, and the only difference I found was that when it talked about relationships, it did not mention professional relationships.  Whether it is mentioned in the Bible about a professional relationship, or normal relationship, I still feel the Bible is compatible with the code of ethics.  I know from experience it has been my faith that has carried me through many days of working with those in need.

References

Ethical Standards for Human Service Professionals (2014). Retrieved September 15, 2014, from http://www.nationalhumanservices.org/ethical-standards-for-hs-professionals

New King James Version (1982). Thomas Nelson, Inc.

3 Reply

P.A.

Today in the Human Services field many secular professionals should uphold a high standards with their clients. Likewise, Christians should uphold an even higher standards with their clients. Rather, a Christian or a secular professional it is imperative to treat each client with the upmost respect. There are many job requirements to follow as a secular professional, but if the secular professionals do not have Christian values they will not fully follow them.

There are several ethical statements that Human Services Professional should follow.  One statement states “human service professionals negotiate with clients the purpose, goals, and nature of the helping relationship prior to its onset.” (National, 2014)  As a human service professional it is mandated to obtain information for the clients that in order to better assist them with their progression. Similar, Christian professionals will do the same thing, but they will perform at the best of their abilities and do it unto the Lord. The scripture says, “Whatever you do, work heartily, as for the Lord and not for men, Colossians 3:23.” This ethical statement is similar to the biblical standard because they both are going to be diligent in getting all information needed to do their job effectively and help better assist their client.

Another statement states “human service professionals respect the integrity and welfare of the client at all times.”(National, 2014) This statement requires that the professional be honest and have the client’s best interest at heart. It is vital that as a human services professional their actions speak louder than their words, so that, a client can trust the professional. 1 John 3:18 ESV says “Little children, let us not love in word or talk but in deed and in truth.” Similar, feign love is when a human service professional can pretend to have the client’s best interest at heart, and not really love nor respect them.

Thirdly, “human service professionals protects the client’s right to privacy and confidentiality.” (National, 2014) Professionals in the human services field are tasked with a great responsibility of making sure information that is given by a client is kept between the two of them. No matter who tries to get the information, it is against the policy of most companies to ensure the client’s confidentiality. The comparison between a Christian professional and a regular professional is a Christian professional is more willing to honor his or her word, such as, a vow made to God. The professional may tend to give out information to a co-worker without thinking.  In fact, both the secular professional and the Christian is governed by law to never freely give out any information concerning a client without the client’s permission. Proverbs 11:13 (NIV) says “A gossip betrays a confidence, but a trustworthy person keeps a secret.”

The fourth statement states “the human service professional acts in an appropriate and professional manner to protect the safety of those individuals.” (National, 2014) A human service professional has been given the authority to protect their clients from all bad counsel same as the Christian.  Proverbs 11: 14 (NKJV) says, “Where there is no counsel, the people fall; But in the multitude of counselors there is safety.” If a counselor gives a client useful information that clients is more susceptible to take the right path and recover from a major trauma in their life.

Lastly, the seventeenth statement states, “Human service professionals provide services without discrimination or preference.”(National, 2014) Similar, the Christian professional belief is that his God rains on the just as well as the unjust, Matthew 5:25, thus clarifying that his services are without discrimination or preference. It is important to note that there are several ethical statements that Human Services Professionals should follow. Even though one maybe a secular professional or a Christian professional because Christ died for all, this is the most important statement.

Reference

National Organization for Human Services (2014). Ethical Standards for Human Service Professionals. Retrieved from http://www.nationalhumanservices.org/ethical-standards-for-hs-professionals

4 Reply

Br P

Working in the Human Services field is for those who wish to help others live better lives. In order to do this, those who work in this field must have some ethical standards to follow and these standards can also be applied biblically in how to treat others. Luke 6:31 (ESV) says, “And as you wish that others would do to you, do so to them.” This verse can be applied to the ethical standards set forth by the National Organization for Human Services regarding the professional’s responsibility to clients. Specifically, it can be applied to statement number 2 that says, “Human service professionals respect the integrity and welfare of the client at all times. Each client is treated with respect, acceptance and dignity,” (National Organization for Human Services, n.d.). This can be a problem if by some strange chance someone in this profession does not want to be treated with something like acceptance, thus not treating the client with acceptance, respect, etc. Another verse that may be applied to this statement of ethical standards is John 15:12; “This is my commandment, that you love one another as I have loved you,” (ESV). While this is a wonderful verse to keep in mind and apply when dealing with others, Human Services professionals still need to maintain some kind of boundaries with clients as to not cross over the professional/client relationship. This issue is addressed in Statement 6 of the ethical standards which mentions the unequal roles of the client and the helping professional.

I think one verse that is crucial to remember when working with others is Philippians 2:4 which states, “Let each of you look not only to his own interests, but also to the interests of others,” (ESV). This is probably one of the most applicable Bible verses to remember in the Human Services profession – particularly Statement 9 of the ethical standards that suggests building on a client’s strengths and not our own. Philippians 2:3 is also a good verse to apply here; “Do nothing from rivalry or conceit, but in humility count others more significant than yourselves,” (ESV). It is important to remember you are responsible for helping someone else in dealing with something they feel they are not capable of on their own. If you are more concerned with your lunch break or something at home than the person you are helping, then you may not be doing your job.

Statement number 14 says, “Human service professionals represent their qualifications to the public accurately,” (National Organization for Human Services, n.d.). Being honest is not only an ethical standard to uphold in the Human Services profession, but also as a child of Christ. “Truthful lips endure forever, but a lying tongue is but for a moment,” (Proverbs 12:19, ESV). Someone may want to make themselves look better by lying about their credentials, and it may make someone feel more comfortable about using you as help for the time-being, but it is more harmful in the end because the person who has lied does not have the training or knowledge to truly help those that come to them.

 

References

Holy Bible, ESV

Unknown. (n.d.). Ethical Standards for Human Services Professionals. National    Organization   of Human Services Professionals. Retrieved September 21, 2014, from             http://www.nationalhumanservices.org/ethical-standards-for-hs-professionals.

 
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100 MCQs Of Psychology homework help

100 MCQs Of Psychology homework help

Multiple Choice Questions (Enter your answers on the enclose ed answer sheet)

1.When there is a discussion of “theory” as related to judgments of right and wrong the discussion is probably one of:

b.philosophical morality

c.professional ethics

d.philosophical ethics

e.common morality

f.both band d

2.Which of the following is NOT listed in your text as part of the professional structure which governs ethics for counselors?

a.the courts

b.colleges and universities

c.professional organizations that maintain and enforce a mandatory code of ethics

d.professional regulatory bodies that are enforcers of mandatory codes

e.none of the above

3.The BEST place to find up-to-date information of currently accepted ethical practice in the field is:

a.counseling journals

b.the Internet

c.state I icense boards

d.graduate level textbooks

e.all of the above

4. can be defined as: the extent and limits of activities considered acceptable by individuals licensed or certified in a profession or specialty.

a.Scope of practice

b.Malpractice

c.Accreditation

d.none of the above

5. Which of the following is the accrediting body for professional counseling?

 

a. AMA

b. AAMFT

c. NASW

d. ACA

e. CACREP

 

6. The oldest established mental health profession is:

a.psychiatry

b.social work

c.marriage and fam i Iy therapy

d.psychiatric nursing

e.psychotherapy

7.Which of the following degrees does NOT indicate legitimate doctoral level training to be a Iicensed Psychologist?

 

a. Ph.D.

b. Ed.D.

c. M.D.

d. Psy.D

8. Which professional organization represents marriage and family therapists?

 

a. ACA

b. AAMFT

c. APA

d. ABPS

e. none of the above

9.Which professional(s) can NOT legitimately, by nature of standard training and practice, perform psychometric assessment?

a.marriage and fam i Iy therapist

b.counselor

c.psychologist

d.social worker

e.none of the above

10. The ABPP and ASPS credential applies to which field of mental health specialty?

a.Marriage and family therapy

b.Social work

c.Psych iatry

d.Psychiatric nursing

e.none of the above

h.

 

1l. Informed consent generally requires that the counselor should reveal to the client information about:

a.the counselor’s credentials or training.

b.alternative treatments.

c.the potential benefits or detriments of treatment.

d.all of the above

12. A counselor’s primary responsibility is to the:

a.third party referral source.

b.judge who subpoenas a case file.

c.family of a competent adult client seen in individual counseling.

d.professional setting (employer) where the counselor works.

e.none of the above

13. Which of the following IS FALSE?

a.The primary responsibility of the counselor is to the referral source.

b.Nonprofessional counselor-cl ient relationshi ps shou Id be avoided when possi ble.

c.Services must be fully described and explained to clients before they consent to treatment.

d.Sexual intimacy with clients is unethical.

 

14. Professional competence by definition involves:

a.the quality of provided services

b.informed consent

c.confidentiality

d.boundaries of professional activity

e.both a and d

15. Which of the following statements is TRUE?

a.Counselors can ethically practice any specialty in counseling, even without appropriate

specialty training, if it is within the scope of practice of their license.

b.Cottone and Tarvydas believe the terms “dual” and “multiple” relationships should be abandoned.

c.Avoiding detrimental relationships with clients relates to the ethical principle of justice more than non maleficence.

d.People who refuse recommended counseling services must be coerced.

i.

 

16.When a judge orders an ex offender to undergo therapy as part of the ex offender’s rehabilitation, this is called:

a.expert order of protection

b.legal privilege

c.professional responsibi I ity

d.compulsory therapy

17.The Supreme Court decision in Jaffee v. Redmond provided what type of assistance to psychotherapists in federal court cases?

a.eliminated their responsibility to testify as expert witnesses

b.upheld their abi I ity to mai ntain confidential information through assertion of legal privi-

lege

c.eliminated their ability to assert privilege in communication with clients

d.instructed counselors that privi lege only exists between attorneys and their cl ients, not

between counselors and their clients

18.Which of the following is an example of special circumstances that counselors may be faced with in relation to confidentiality and privilege?

a.counseling persons with HIV/AIDS

b.family/couples counseling

c.clients in drug/alcohol treatment

d.all of the above

 

19.An exception to confidentiality for psychologists and counselors serving in the military exists and focuses on which area most clearly?

a.responsi bi I ity to report generally negative attitudes of officers and enl isted personnel

b.report threats to military installations, weapons and integrity even when threats to specific persons have not been made

c.to report all counseling activities regardless of the content to their superiors on a regular basis

d.none of the above

20.According to Welch (2003), one of the most common types of malpractice liability in treatment services for mental health professionals is:

a.fraudulent billing

b.family treatment and forensic situations

c.dual relationships

d.group counseling

 

21.According to Arthur and Swanson (1993). clinical records should be written to include which of the followi ng?

a.clear objective statements with behavioral descriptions

b.professional terminology not easily interpreted by legal counsel

c.jargon that does not clearly specify behavioral outcomes

d.little objective information; subjective thoughts of the counselor are of most importance

22.When assessing a client’s potential for harm, Beauchamp and Childress recommend the counselor assess primarily which elements?

a.probabi I ity of harm

b.magnitude of harm

c.physical vs. psychological nature of harm

d.both a and b are correct

23. Counselor values tend to determine the of counseling.

a.content

b.process

c.level of professional ism

d.lack of progress

24. Client values determine the of counseling.

a.process

b.level of progress

c.content

d.all of the above

25.Objectively applying a system of ethical rules and principles that a counselor may use to determine a right or moral decision about an ethical dilemma would be considered _

a.ethics of caring

b.virtue ethics

c.principle ethics

d.none of the above

k.

 

 

Multiple Choice Questions (Enter your answers on the enclosed answer sheet)

1.Why is practice in solving mock ethical dilemmas, as well as working to address actual dilemmas under supervision of an educator or experienced clinician important?

a.Because ethical decision making skills are very easily learned.

b.Ethical situations happen infrequently and counselors shouldn’t worry so much about them.

c.Ethical decision making skills do not come automatically or easily and require practice, supervision and diligence in learning.

d.Because you will never be able to come up with the “correct” answer.

2.The ethical decision-making model introduced by Cottone is based upon what theoretical model?

a.general psychologically based models

b.post-positivism

c.social constructivism

d.none of the above

3. What does social constructivism mean to ethical decision making?

a.Decisions cannot be viewed as occurring internally (by an individual in isolation).

b.Decisions must be selected by the counselor weighing internal feelings and cognitions.

c.Decisions are best when made by a single individual.

d.Counselors must deliberate over a decision for a lengthy period of time.

4.Ethical decision making models often provide a series of steps for making an ethical choice, however they may fail to describe which of the following:

a.the consequences that can occur when an ineffective course of action is taken

b.how the choice in a specific course of action occurs (an exploratory framework for the decision process itself)

c.how values are weighed by the decision maker

d.a II of the above are correct

5.In the social constructivism model, the decision to breach an ethical standard or a challenge to a counselor’s professional ethics is a decision that is derived from past and present interactions. Which of the following forces come into play in this situation?

a.biological and social forces that affect interactions in one way or the other

b.biological forces

c.social forces

d.psychological determinants

m.

6.According to the social constructivism process in ethical decision making, when consensualizing fails, then parties may engage in reflective interaction to accomplish:

a.an agreement on the decision to be made

b.to determine whether arbitration should be undertaken

c.be able to make the decision on their own

d.to hold firm to their original position

7. Cottone’s model of ethical decision making is based on:

a.purely social-relational theory

b.purely relational model

c.ethical principles

d.psychologically-based ethical decision making

8.When colleagues engage in bullying, harassment, or emotional abuse of an individual within the workplace, this would be described as:

a.a normal difference of opinion that occasionally occurs within a workplace

b.a case of mobbing within an organizational culture

c.relational issues that are normal when people work closely with one another

d.individuals who are experiencing conflict due to holding similar values

9. Which of the following characteristics may place a work environment at risk for mobbing?

a.having more staff than is necessary (overstaffing)

b.increased stress in the workplace

c.unethical activities

d.both band c are correct

10.Several states have acknowledged that mental injury can result from excessive stress on the job and this phenomenon has been called:

a.mental health injury

b.overstress syndrome

c.organizational mental injury

d.occupational mental injury

n.

11. Wh ich of the following may happen to a counselor that assumes the role of a “whistleblower”?

a.mobbing

b.mixed support from superiors and administration

c.potential life changing experience and increased stress

d.all of the above

12.At present there are several corporations that are establishing company policies that support an individual’s right to be employed in an environment that is free from mobbing.

a.True, this is happening at present.

b.False that is something for the future.

c.False, it would never work.

d.none of the above are correct

13.The way people would characterize a system’s general practices and procedures, such as the sense of safety or fear or retribution that a counselor may feel when faced with big or small decisions within this context would be described as?

a.climate

b.ethical climate

c.organizational climate

d.none of the above

14.To provide a service outside of the realm of medical psychotherapy and then bill it as medical psychotherapy is an example of:

a.sliding fee scales

b.fraudulent billing

c.double billing

d.all of the above

15. Pro bono publico refers to what?

a.Working as a counselor for the state, or county and serving the general public.

b.Being an expert witness at a criminal trial.

c.A Spanish speaking Counselor or Therapist.

d.none of the above

o.

 

16.This term describes when a diagnosis is more severe than diagnostically justified to ensure adequate insurance payment for the anticipated treatments.

a.double billing

b.overdiagnosis

c.fraudulent diagnostics

d.embellishment diagnostics

e.none of the above

17.It is standard practice to destroy case records generally years after services have

been terminated.

a.10-12

b.2-4

c.5-7

d.none of the above- by law case records are never to be destroyed.

18. Areas of major ethical concern in working with people with HIV include:

a.confidentiality

b.informed consent

c.stigma

d.both a and b are correct

19.The Rehabilitation Act of 1973 and the Americans with Disabilities Act do Which of the following for individuals diagnosed with HIV/AIDS?

a.protect individuals who are diagnosed with HIVIAIDS from undue discrimination

b.do not protect individuals with HIV/AIDS from undue discrimination

c.protect only individuals with HIV from undue discrimination

d.protect only individuals with AIDS from undue discrimination

20.The Tarasoff outcome directs the counselor in which of the following actions when considering the safety of a th ird party?

a.counselors are not responsible for warning third parties they may be in danger

b.counselors have a responsibility for third parties that they know may be in danger

c.cannot breach confidentiality no matter what the situation

d.may breach confidentiality only when suicide is involved

p.

 

2l. Regarding the ethical issues surrounding complimentary and alternative medicine, which of the following statements is true?

a.The current status quo does not include a “don’t ask/don’t tell” approach.

b.CAM advocates may be denying the role of traditional medicine.

c.Managed care typically never reimburses for CAMs.

d.I ndividuals who choose CAMs as a treatment forfeit their right to autonomy.

22. What percentage of Americans feel that abortion should be legal in some form?

a.25

b.45

c.70

d.90

23.A type of test administration that especially does not transfer well to computerized assessment is:

a.vocational interest testing

b.aptitude testing

c.neuropsychological testing

d.personality testing

24. An ethical concern in the area of distance education at present is:

a.lack of an outcome research base comparing traditional and distance education methods

b.it has been proven that distance education lacks program integrity

c.grades which are granted for courses

d.none of the above are correct answers

25.The most frequent strategies that unethical practitioners use to get around the ethical

standards that exist in the area of web counseling are:

a.not holding membership in professional organizations that create standards that

are enforceable

b.using unregulated titles or service descriptions to elude regulatory authorities

c.not charging a fee for web counseling services

d.both a and b are correct answers

 

 

Multiple Choice Questions (Enter your answers on the enclosed answer sheet)

1.Counselors should critically examine current ethical codes focusing on multiculturalism to

address which of the following?

a.cultural bias and encapsulation

b.professional self regulation and lack of measurable multicultural accountability

c.favoritism toward the dominant culture

d.all of the above

2.These terms are outdated and possibly harmful concepts, but were previously used in

counselor training programs several decades ago.

a.cu Itural deficit

b.race

c.cu Iturally disadvantaged

d.a and conly

e.all of the above

3.The tendency to treat others relative to one’s own cu Itural perspective with an apparent disregard for cultural differences is called:

a.cultural encapsulation

b.cultural deficit

c.multiculturalism

d.none of the above

4.As a third generation Japanese American counselor in a downtown mental health center that

serves a primarily African American population you are frequently involved in helping

relationships with individuals who have a socially constructed worldview that differs from your

own. You would be providing this type of counseling:

 

a. conservative

b. transcultural.

c. client centered

d. primary

e. cross cultural

5.To educate culturally competent practitioners entering the field, educational programs should

strongly consider uti I izi ng the best approach of:

a.

b.

c.

d.

e.

186

 

 

offering a course on racism and infusing culturally sensitive content throughout the

curriculum

offering a course on multiculturalism

not concerning themselves with culture and multicultural competencies

making sure students have exceptional knowledge of the professional code of ethics

none of the above

 

s.

 

6. Imperative to the field of marriage and family therapy is the idea of:

a.psychoanalytic theory

b.the ‘traditional’ family

c.sex therapy

d.none of the above

7.Ethically marriage and family therapists are wise to initially consider their role as an advocate

for the:

a.relationship

b.child

c.individual

d.all of the above

8.The idea of was affirmed by the Declaration of Helsinki, after Nazi doctors at

concentration camps were found to have done harmful experiments on ethnic groups.

a.moral responsibility

b.confidential ity

c.informed consent

d.Hippocratic Oath

e.all of the above

9.The ethical codes of which two organizations apply SPECIFICALLY to marriage and family

counseling?

a.IAMFC and ASCA

b.APA and ACA

c.APA and ASCA

d.IAMFC and AAMFC

e.IAMFC and AAMFT

10. Values are:

a.imposed by ethical codes on such issues as divorce, sexuality, and family resource

management

b.unquestionable professional ethical standards

c.the legal rights of clients

d.none of the above

187

 

t.

 

11.Which is NOT one of the interventions which schools counselors use to provide direct services

in their schools?

a.coordination

b.consu Itation

c.counseling

d.cooperation

e.none of the above

12. Arnold v. Board of Education of Escambia County (1989) was a court decision regarding what?

a.a counselor giving a student advice on abortion

b.a counselor having inappropriate sexual relations with a student

c.a counselor withholding information about a threat which was made from a client towards

another person which resulted in that person’s death

d.a counselor failing to notify authorities of a student’s intent of suicide

e.none of the above

13.In determining what action a counselor should take in ethical dilemmas presented by poten-

tially detrimental relationships, which step to come to a conclusion is NOT listed in your text?

a.think carefully

b.consult the necessary codes and experts

c.identify the ethical issues

d.temporarily suspend the relationship until a conclusion is made

e.none of the above

14.The intent of the was to provide parents and eligible students (those

older than 18 years of age) the right to inspect their school records and the protection of dis-

semination of school records.

a.Drug Abuse Office and Treatment Act

b.Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act

c.Education for all Handicapped Children Act

d.Individual Education Disability Act

15.Approximately how many states grant students the legal right of privileged communication

when communicating with a school counselor?

a.10

b.20

c.30

d.40

188

 

u.

 

16.When considering a school counselor’s duty to warn and protect, which of the following state-

ments is true?

a.Counselors may be sued if they breach confidentiality, if a student injures themselves or

someone else or commits suicide.

b.Counselors cannot breach confidentiality ever.

c.Counselors may be sued by the school if they breach confidentiality with parents.

d.Counselors will not be sued unless they breach confidentiality.

17.According to the American School Counselor Association, failure to provide the needed food,

care, clothing, housing, medical attention and supervision of a child would be defined as:

a.child abuse

b.corporal punishment

c.child neglect

d.child endangerment

18. Managed care is usually a contracted arrangement between atn):

a.client and a counselor

b.social service agency and a client

c.counselor and employer

d.none of the above

19. RUST stands for:

a.Rehabi I itation Users Standards of Treatment

b.Redefining Undiagnosed or Subtle Terms

c.Responsibilities of Using Standardized Treatments

d.Relinquishing Use of Standardized Tests

e.none of the above

20. The evolution of career counseling has been influenced by which of the following?

a.social and cultural forces

b.legislation

c.programs created as a result of legislation

d.all of the above

189

 

v.

 

 

 

 

21.Counsel i ng that involves professional helpers who hel p cl ients “understand, accept, and

resolve their problems” by using “basic counseling techniques so that their clients can lead

more satisfying, well adjusted lives” would best define?

a.psychoanalysis

b.personal counseling

c.career counseling

d.vocational counseling

22. Which of the following is NOT one of the three required elements of informed consent?

a.capacity

b.comprehension

c.confidential ity

d.voluntariness

23.As a counselor if the ethical values at your place of employment are in conflict with your

professional ethics, what should you do?

a.stay on the job because there are some things you cannot change

b.talk with your co-workers about their thoughts

c.seriously consider resigning from your position

d.nothing, for there is nothing you can do about corporate culture

24.According to Pope (1999) when clients first present for career counseling it is important to

assess how much involvement of both is needed by the client in

their decision making process.

a.former employer and family

b.potential employer and former employer

c.significant other and children

d.extended family and community

25.Counselors should be aware of potentially detrimental counselor-client relationships and can

safeguard themselves by taking which of the following actions?

a.ongoing discussions to identify and work through conflicts or concerns that develop and

documentation of all events

b.consultation with a colleague to guard against overlooking a problem

c.supervision if a situation involves a high risk for harm

d.all of the above are safeguards that counselors should consider

 

 

Multiple Choice Questions (Enter your answers on the enclosed answer sheet)

1. Groups or group process may:

a.differ depending on the national origin of group members

b.be enhanced by the acceptance of differences among group members

c.be enhanced by a culturally sensitive counselor

d.all of the above

2. Related to privileged communication and group counseling, privileged communication:

a.can be guaranteed in all cases with a licensed professional

b.historically has been respected in group counseling

c.prevents gossip about cases to uninvolved third parties in informal settings

d.none of the above

3. Group counseling:

a.is practiced only in private practices

b.is a specialty of counseling meeting all standard criteria for defining a specialty

c.always is led by at least two counselors

d.band conly

e.none of the above

4. If a group of minors is being counseled, the parents of the minors:

a.must respect the counselor/client privilege of confidentiality

b.have the right to information about the nature and content of counseling

c.have the right to attend a group session as a chaperone

d.both band c

e.none of the above

5. The CRC code of ethics clearly asserts that the primary responsibility of counselors is to whom?

a.their employer

b.their supervisor

c.individuals with disabilities receiving services

d.third party payor

 

6.If the counselor holds the culturally dominant high level of value regarding traditional work,

he or she may not react positively to individuals who wish to work in which area?

a.factory settings

b.in-home as caregivers

c.only part time to pursue avocational interests

d.both band c are correct

7. Which of the following are areas in which rehabilitation counselors monitor their competence?

a.job development, placement and follow-up

b.integration of mental health counseling or diagnostic focus with their usual practices

c.competence in the area of assessment

d.both band c are correct

8. CRCC provides code of ethics enforcement for which of the following?

a.individuals who hold the CRC certification.

b.individual members of ACA and ARCA.

c.individual members of NRA and NRCA.

d.individuals who hold a CCM certification.

9. Major change within the 200112002 CRCC code of ethics had to do with what subject(s)?

a.major emphasis on multicultural considerations

b.new continuing education requirements

c.addition of an entire section on electronic communication

d.established dollar limits for billing of services

e.both a and c

10.The collaborative consorti um of key rehabiIitation counseling professional organ izations formed in 2004 is the:

a.Alliance for Rehabilitation Counseling

b.Rehabilitation Counseling Cooperative

c.National Rehabi I itation Association

d.American Rehabilitation Counselors United

e.none of the above

 

11. The two major professional organizations for rehabilitation counselors are:

 

a. ARCA and NRCA

b. ACA and ARCA

c. APA and NRCA

d. ARCAA and N RC

e. none of the above

12.According to your text, nearly of the U.S. population needed treatment for an alcohol

or illicit drug problem in 2003.

a.8

b.10

c.12

d.15

e.none of the above

13.This organization is the largest organization serving addiction counselors, educators, and other health care professionals who deal with addiction.

 

a. NAADC

b. ACA

c. APA

d. NAADAC

e. none of the above

14. Confidentiality in treatment of chemical dependency is unique due to:

a.state statute confidential ity

b.national professional certification

c.state professional certification

d.none of the above

15. The 12-step approach of Alcohol ics Anonymous has been:

a.discredited by the majority of professionals because of the religious nature of the program

b.shown to ONLY be effective when combined with professional interventions

c.proven to be effective not only with treating alcoholism, but with other addictions as well

d.none of the above

 

16.What is the NBCC specialty designation for counseling professionals who work primarily with addiction?

a.MACC

b.NBCCA

c.NAADAC

d.none of the above

17.Which is NOT a setti ng listed in your text in wh ich substance abuse treatment may be delivered?

a.outpatient setting

b.residential

c.hospital

d.all of the above are settings listed

18.How many of the criteria for substance dependence must be present for the diagnosis of alcohol or drug dependence?

a.two

b.three

c.four

d.five

e.none of the above

19. The ACS identifies content areas that training in clinical supervision must include.

a.5

b.9

c.13

d.26

20. Related to potential ethical situations, supervisors often have which of the following concerns?

a.most code of professional ethics have limited information regarding supervision

b.the supervisor must constantly examine the ethical issues that impact both the client and the supervisee

c.regulations for clinical supervisors provided are ambiguous from a legal perspective

d.both a and b are correct

 

21.A student counselor is providing services to a client and audiotapes each of the sessions for individual review with their supervisor and group review with their fellow students. The client was not informed that their counselor was a student in training or of the purpose of the audiotaping. The supervisor and supervisee have violated which of the following?

a.client informed consent

b.client confidentiality

c.supervisee confidentiality

d.both a and b are correct

22.A student is completing an internship at a work re-entry center. The student is female and worked with a male client whom she knew was attracted to her. During his rehabilitation he frequently brought her flowers, candy and cards of thanks. The student did not accept the gifts, rather placed them in a central location for all to benefit from. The student discussed this situation with her supervisor and followed agency policy and her supervisor’s directives during the entire time she was providing services to the client. Upon discharge the client asked the student for her phone number for the purposes of a social/romantic relationship. The stu-

dent gave the client her phone number and began dating the client two weeks after he was discharged. Another agency personnel saw the two in the community in a close embrace and reported this to the student’s supervisor. Upon hearing this information, the supervisor went to the student’s office, packed her belongi ngs and left them at the front desk with a note that her internship was terminated. The action of the supervisor violated the supervisee’s:

a.due process

b.confidentiality

c.informed consent

d.professional identity

e.none of the above

23.Which of the following are effective suggestions for supervisors to consider to avoid malpractice lawsu its?

a.possess appropriate knowledge, skill and work habits

b.foster healthy, respectful relationships

c.have keen knowledge of self

d.alloftheabove

24.After a hearing, a license board makes a decision which could include consequences. Which of the following is NOT a consequence as listed in your text?

a.revocation of a license

b.paying a fine

c.probation

d.reprimand

e.none of the above

 

25.Which of the following sources of ethical information has been given the highest rating by certified counselors?

a.ACA ethical code

b.APA Ethics Committee

c.ACA Journal of Counseling and Development

d.all of the above

e.a and conly

 
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Door Dash’s Current Ethical Dilemma homework help

Door Dash’s Current Ethical Dilemma homework help

You will locate current ethical dilemma events. In a 3-4 page paper, you will identify an issue that reveals an ethical dilemma. You must describe the dilemma, state the facts leading up to the dilemma, provide a brief description of all of the stakeholders involved in the dilemma and/or who have an interest in the outcome of the dilemma, proffer suggestions for best dealing with and/or solving the dilemma, and explain why the proffered suggestion(s) is ideal given the circumstances. Papers will be graded for clarity, comprehensiveness, and grammar. Papers must be typewritten in 12-point font size (Times New Roman), double spaced, and have one-inch margins all around.  Please use course readings along with additional sources (with a minimum of 3 references). In addition to providing a cover and references page. 

For my topic, I want to talk about Door Dash ethical Dilemma where the tips were not going to the workers.  Must you three sources.  The first source is mandatory, the other two are optional. Use 3-5 quotes to support. Please use the Book to support your claim that is also mandatory. I have attached the book to the question. Thank you!

https://www.theverge.com/2019/7/24/20708212/doordash-delivery-tip-theft-policy-change-tony-xu-tweets

https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2019/07/24/doordash-change-its-controversial-tipping-policy-after-outcry/?noredirect=on&utm_term=.c0195d8ee3a8

1

The Ethics Primer for Public Administrators in Government and Nonprof it Organizations

Second Edition

James Svara Research Professor, School of Public

Affairs Arizona State University Phoenix, Arizona

Visiting Professor, School of Government University of North Carolina Chapel Hill, North Carolina

2

World Headquarters Jones & Bartlett Learning 5 Wall Street Burlington, MA 01803 978-443-5000 info@jblearning.com www.jblearning.com Jones & Bartlett Learning books and products are available through most bookstores and online booksellers. To contact Jones & Bartlett Learning directly, call 800-832-0034, fax 978-443-8000, or visit our website, www.jblearning.com.

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Copyright © 2015 by Jones & Bartlett Learning, LLC, an Ascend Learning Company

All rights reserved. No part of the material protected by this copyright may be reproduced or utilized in any form, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without written permission from the copyright owner.

The content, statements, views, and opinions herein are the sole expression of the respective authors and not that of Jones & Bartlett Learning, LLC. Reference herein to any specific commercial product, process, or service by trade name, trademark, manufacturer, or otherwise does not constitute or imply its endorsement or recommendation by Jones & Bartlett Learning, LLC and such reference shall not be used for advertising or product endorsement purposes. All trademarks displayed are the trademarks of the parties noted herein. The Ethics Primer for Public Administrators in Government and Nonprofit Organizations, Second Edition is an independent publication and has not been authorized, sponsored, or otherwise approved by the owners of the trademarks or service marks referenced in this product.

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This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information in regard to the Subject Matter covered. It is sold with the understanding that the publisher is not engaged in rendering legal, accounting, or other professional service. If legal advice or other expert assistance is required, the service of a competent professional person should be sought.

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Malloy Cover Printing: Edwards Brothers Malloy Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Svara, James H.

The ethics primer for public administrators in government and nonprofit organizations / James H. Svara, PhD, research professor, School of Public Affairs, Arizona State University. — Second edition.

pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4496-1901-5 (pbk.) 1. Health services administrators—Moral and ethical aspects. I. Title. R724.S83 2015 174.2—dc23 2013034748

6048 Printed in the United States of America 18 17 16 15 14 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

4

This book is dedicated to my students at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, North Carolina State University, and Arizona State University, with whom

I learned a lot about ethics.

5

Contents

Preface

Acknowledgments

CHAPTER 1 Introduction—and a Pop Quiz Pop Quiz: Do You Have a Code of Ethics? Understanding the Setting for Administrative Ethics The Setting Continued: Differences Between Government and

Nonprofit Organizations Overview

CHAPTER 2 Administrative Ethics: Ideas, Sources, and Development Definition and the Sources of Ethical Ideas Your Code Compared to Others Ethical Development Basic Components of Administrative Ethics Other Definitional Issues: Distinctions Between Ethics, Morality, and

Law

CHAPTER 3 Refining the Sense of Duty: Responsibilities of Public Administrators and the Issue of Agency

The Responsibilities of Democratic Public Administrators Responsibilities to Elected Officials and to the Organization: The

Question of Moral Agency Do Role and Structure Allow Administrators to Be Responsible for

Their Actions? Are Public Administrators Accountable Agents? Complementarity as Conceptual Foundation for Administrative

Responsibilities Building a Model of Administrative Ethics with Duty at the Core

CHAPTER 4 Reinforcing and Enlarging Duty: The Philosophical Bases of Ethical Behavior and the Ethics Triangle

Virtue and Intuition Advantages of the Virtuous Approach Disadvantages of the Virtuous Approach Problems with Over- and Underutilization

Deontology and the Principle-Based Approach Issues in the Principle-Based Approach Advantages of the Principle-Based Approach

6

Disadvantages of the Principle-Based Approach Problems of Over- and Underutilization

Consequences-Based Ethics: The Utilitarian Approach Advantages of the Utilitarian Approach Disadvantages of the Utilitarian Approach Problems of Over- and Underutilization

Using the Approaches Together Logic of Combining Approaches Examples from Ethics Guidelines

The Ethics Triangle Promoting Use of the Ethics Triangle

CHAPTER 5 Codifying Duty and Ethical Perspectives: Professional Codes of Ethics

Breadth and Purpose of Codes Enforcement of Codes Restating the Purpose of Codes of Ethics Incorporating Codes into Your Own Professional Standards

CHAPTER 6 Undermining Duty: Challenges to the Ethical Behavior of Public Administrators

Explanations Based on Bad People/Bad Systems Failings Due to Shortcomings by Normally Good and Decent

Officials Unethical Choices Shaped by Circumstances

CHAPTER 7 Deciding How to Meet Obligations and Act Responsibly: Ethical Analysis and Problem Solving

Advantages of Analysis Stages and Steps in Problem Solving Model Applying the Problem Solving Model Problem Solving and Action

CHAPTER 8 Acting on Duty in the Face of Uncertainty and Risk: Responsible Whistleblowing

Conditions for Responsible Whistleblowing Retaliatory Techniques Steps to Protect Whistleblowers Who Are Whistleblowers?

CHAPTER 9 Elevating Ethical Behavior in the Organization Strengthening Organization and Management Culture Clear Expectations, Effective Training and Advice, and Mechanisms

for Control Positive Management Practices Adequate Channels for Complaints and Values That Encourage

7

Dissent Equity and Involvement in Dealings with the Public

CHAPTER 10 Mandating Duty: External Measures to Promote Ethics Open Meetings Laws and Freedom of Information Requirements Inspectors General and Auditors State Ethics Laws

Those Covered by Provisions Conflict of Interest

Disclosure Prohibitions and Controls Postemployment Restrictions Whistleblower Protection Administration and Enforcement

Assessment of Ethics Laws

CHAPTER 11 Conclusion: The Duties of Public Administrators

APPENDIX 1 Standards of Ethical Conduct for Employees of the Executive Branch

APPENDIX 2 Code of Ethics for Government Service

APPENDIX 3 American Society for Public Administration’s Code of Ethics with Practices

APPENDIX 4 International City/County Management Association Code of Ethics with Guidelines

APPENDIX 5 The Code of Ethics for Nonprofit and Philanthropic Organizations

APPENDIX 6 American Institute of Certified Planners Code of Ethics and Professional Conduct

APPENDIX 7 Organizational Ethical Climate Survey

REFERENCES

INDEX

8

Preface

Ethics is an essential aspect of public service, but it is often left out of discussions on the development of the field and its major functions. Ethics is sometimes treated as a specialized topic studied for its own sake. For ethics to guide the attitudes and behavior of public administrators, it must be integrated into the way administrators think about their practice and incorporated into their everyday behavior.

I come to the exploration of ethics from a general scholarly interest in political- administrative relations. In my research and teaching, I seek to understand how public administration contributes to the political process, how politicians and administrators interact with each other, and how administrators relate to citizens. Examining these topics naturally brings up the issue of appropriate limits and goals, particularly regarding the behavior of public administrators. What is, and should be, the role of professional public administrators in governance? What are the characteristics of political-administrative relations? What do we expect administrators to do—and not to do? How do administrators relate to citizens? How should they balance their accountability to elected superiors and their professional standards with their responsibility to the public? The normative side of each of these questions involves “big” ethical issues, and these are the focus of this text.

John Gaus (1950) argued many years ago that a theory of public administration is also a theory of politics. I agree and hope to make the case for a further broadening of our understanding of the field. A theory of public administration in the political process is also a theory of ethics.

I believe that the same logic also applies to understanding the ethics of administrators in nonprofit organizations because of the basic similarity in the nature of administrative responsibilities in the governmental and nonprofit sectors. The city manager who works with the city council and serves the public, and the nonprofit executive director who works with a board of directors and serves clients, share many important characteristics in their work, in the ethical challenges that they face, and in their duty to serve. The text is also concerned with administrators who have little direct interaction with the public, whether in national or state government or in nonprofit organizations.

This text is a primer that introduces the reader to the fundamentals of administrative responsibility and ethics. It links these ideas to the nature of the administrative process and the work of professional administrators. It seeks to help the reader understand why ethics is important to people who choose to be administrators in governmental and nonprofit organizations and how to relate their own personal values with the norms of the public sector. Furthermore, the text offers assistance in working through the complexity and controversy surrounding ethical problems in public administration. It avoids prescription—thou shalt, thou shalt not—as much as possible and seeks instead

9

to enable the reader to form his or her own judgments about ethical choices. It is an introduction to fundamental issues that equips readers to make informed choices about their own behavior. It also provides a foundation for exploring the topic in more depth in other courses or training opportunities.

I approach this text with 16 years of teaching ethics and professional practice—a core course in the master of public administration (MPA) degree—and more years teaching related topics. I hope to create in these words-on-pages some of the dynamic exchange that occurs in the classroom as students grapple with the important issues in administrative ethics. From this experience, I know quite well that this text does not “teach” ethics, in the sense of trying to fill in a blank slate. The reader already has a basic understanding of what it means to be an ethical person. Like my students, the reader comes to this text with a reservoir of ethical and moral values upon which he or she can draw.

In addition to my teaching, I bring perspectives from the experience of being an administrator, a program director, and department head. Some important generic issues in supervision, interpersonal relations, resource use, reporting, and planning are encountered even in the rather disorganized sphere of academic administration. I also benefited greatly from a year on leave working in Washington, DC, from 1976–1977 at the Department of Housing and Urban Development as a National Association of School of Public Affairs and Administration (NASPAA) Fellow. Furthermore, a lot of my research and training involves interacting with politicians and administrators, both in the United States and other countries. I think that I have come to appreciate the kinds of challenges that administrators face and how often there is an important ethical dimension to these challenges.

My research reflects a blending of my early focus on urban politics and political leadership and my deepening interest in administrative leadership and values. I explore professional administration in a political context. Although much of my writing has focused on local government, my teaching addresses issues at all levels of government and in nonprofits. I conduct empirical research on topics that have a normative dimension and examine the normative implications of my quantitative research. I have merged empirical research findings with analysis of the development of public administration to suggest a new (but I believe historically grounded) way to conceptualize political-administrative relations. This approach stresses the complementarity of politics and administration rather than a dichotomy or strict separation as the conceptual foundation of the field. This model informs my approach to administrative ethics.

The Ethics Primer for Public Administrators in Government and Nonprofit Organizations, Second Edition presents a simple theme that, of course, gets complicated in the telling. People enter the field of public administration, just as the reader enters this text, with an interest in public service and a set of values shaped in part by that interest. These values reflect most of the essential elements of ethical thinking, but they are not developed in a very sophisticated way. Like most adults, people who have not formally studied administrative ethics tend to have values that are grounded in respect for conventional norms. Also, they tend to have fairly substantial respect for people in positions of “authority.” This condition creates tension between the sense of duty to serve and act responsibly, on the one hand, and the deference to the superiors and

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established rules, on the other. Most people who have not expanded their knowledge or thought systematically about ethics and the nature of public service are dependent on external sources of direction.

I hope this text will help the reader broaden and deepen his or her understanding of the nature of the public service duty and major approaches to thinking about ethics. I hope the reader will internalize this knowledge so he or she is able to form independent judgments about ethical options based on universal values. The reader will not necessarily reject the external influences he or she receives, but will be better able to weigh his or her own reasoned sense of what is right against what others say is right. Finally, I hope the reader will be able to use this knowledge to take actions that are ethically sound based on a careful consideration of all the relevant options. Because the reader is already or is preparing to become an administrator who is responsible for directing other persons and shaping his or her organization, I hope this text will also help the reader see ways that he or she can raise ethical awareness in others.

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Acknowledgments

I have been a member of the faculty in the School of Public Affairs at Arizona State University and want to thank my colleagues and students there for their support of my research on ethics. I also want to express my gratitude to a number of colleagues and students at North Carolina State University who helped, both directly and indirectly, with the original text. Debra Stewart helped me understand the importance of the development of ethical reasoning and how it changes over time. Jim Brunet offered comments, suggested sources, and made a test drive in a class he taught with an earlier version of the manuscript. Former doctoral students Dr. Jack Kem and Dr. Julie Raines wrote dissertations on ethics topics and added to my knowledge of the issues and the literature in administrative ethics, and current doctoral students Ljubinka Andonoska and Chin-Chang Tsai at Arizona State University conducted research that contributed to the new edition of the text.

I have had unique opportunity to work on the American Society for Public Administration (ASPA) Code of Ethics review process for the past two years. I am grateful to the 31 members of the working group who diligently examined the current Code of Ethics and thoughtfully proposed revisions that build on ASPA’s prior codes. It was a pleasure working with Jim Nordin, member of the ASPA National Council and retired federal government administrator, who co-chaired the working group with me. My understanding of professional ethics has been deepened by this experience.

My wife, Claudia, has been both patient and supportive over the extended period of this writing project. She is also a model of the ethical professional who exemplifies the duty to service at the highest level in her practice of medicine.

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CHAPTER 1

Introduction—and a Pop Quiz

This text is a primer on administrative ethics, a term that refers to the ethics of persons who occupy career leadership and staff positions in government and nonprofit organizations. It brings to mind oxymorons, which are a form of satiric humor. “Military intelligence,” “jumbo shrimp,” and “airline food” are popular examples. To be honest, “administrative ethics” is probably pretty high on the list of commonly used oxymorons, but more to the point at the start of this text is the possibility that “ethics primer” itself connects two elements that are incompatible. To cover a complex topic such as ethics in the public service in a small, introductory book may seem to be an impossible task. Is it sufficient to briefly introduce and provide initial instruction—the dictionary meaning of a primer—for a subject as weighty as administrative ethics?

Based on my experience in teaching administrative ethics in a short-course format and as a component in a broader course for many years, there is an important precondition. What makes it possible to introduce this vast topic in a meaningful way is the fact that the reader already knows a great deal about ethics. I am assuming that the reader is an adult—young or otherwise—who is either interested in entering the public service or already works for a government or nonprofit organization. As we shall see, both relative maturity and self-selection for a public service position are important to one’s knowledge of and attitudes about administrative ethics.

Ethics is fundamental to one’s work in public service. This does not mean that it is simple or should be treated in a simplistic way. Still, if the topic cannot be discussed in a concise and straightforward way, ethics will be irrelevant to many of the people who work in public service. There are challenging standards and values that should be upheld, and these may be understood in broad terms as well as being the subject for specialized study. This text does not start the process of finding ethics, but it does provide an introduction to examining the nature of standards to which public administrators should adhere in order to meet their far-reaching responsibilities and challenges. Stated differently, this primer is not intended to give the reader a little bit of ethics that might be expanded by additional study. The intention is to provide a lot of ethics with an introduction to their origins and meaning that can be expanded with additional study as well as with reflection based on growing experience.

The tone of this text is personal, the style is a dialogue, and the purpose is exhortatory. The first and second person will be used extensively. “I” will direct comments to “you.” It is not possible to create the interaction of the classroom, but an effort will be made to encourage an exchange in which your response in the form of answers to questions that I pose will help to carry forward the dialogue. Finally, I believe that knowledge provides the basis for understanding and action, and the discussion in this text will provide extensive information. The underlying intent,

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however, is not pedagogical; that is to say, to teach you the subject of administrative ethics. The purpose is to exhort you to engage yourself in ethics, to be more aware of the ethical dimension of public service, to be ethical in a more thoughtful and thoroughgoing way than before, and to do more to encourage others to be ethical.

Implicit in this intent is an approach to ethics that stresses both reducing unethical behavior and promoting the exercise of positive ethical responsibilities. Too often discussions of ethics in the public sector focus on unethical practices and ways to avoid or prevent bad behavior. These important topics are addressed, but more attention is given in this discussion to actions that administrators should take. Harm comes from inaction—the failure to do what is right to meet the highest standards—as well as from engaging in clearly unethical actions. It is important to recognize that doing what is right can raise complex issues and require courage.

Thus, the purpose of the text is to promote ethical behavior by public administrators on both individual and organizational levels. Specifically, the text enables the reader to do the following:

1. Appreciate that ethics is integral to the nature of democratic public administration 2. Understand the responsibilities of public administrators and the bases of

administrative ethics 3. Understand the tenets of the codes of ethics for various professional organizations

in the public sector and how they are applied 4. Be aware of and avoid the pressures and forces in public administration that can

contribute to unethical behavior 5. Develop the knowledge and skills needed to deal with ethical problems that arise

in public service 6. Strengthen the ethical climate in organizations

All of these serve to support ethical action. It is obvious that this text will cover a great deal of intellectual territory. The

discussion of topics is limited to the presentation of the material that is relevant to the line of argument that I am developing. Necessarily, this approach leaves the reader without the full exposition of a topic that it would receive if it were being considered on its own. Readers may pursue topics in more depth by following the guide to the literature provided in the endnotes. I seek to offer a serious but accessible conversation about ethics in the text, and a more scholarly examination of ethics in the endnotes.

POP QUIZ: DO YOU HAVE A CODE OF ETHICS? I do not expect that you will already have a well-formed, explicit code of ethics that you follow in your administrative work. Before examining the subject matter of this text in more depth, however, it is useful to establish a baseline. Here are some questions you can answer for yourself before proceeding further in the text:

What is or should be your code of ethics for work in government or nonprofit organizations?

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What are the standards of right and wrong that should guide your work—the “do’s and don’ts” of public service?

If you will take the time now to record your thoughts, we will refer back to what you have written and compare your responses to other professional students in public administration.

UNDERSTANDING THE SETTING FOR ADMINISTRATIVE ETHICS The discussion of “administrative” ethics applies both to those who work in government and in nonprofit organizations. Our appreciation of “new governance” includes the recognition that public needs are addressed by organizations in both the public and nonprofit sectors (Kettl 2002). Why is ethics a special concern in these particular organizations? It is important that administrators operate within legal and organizational controls. They serve the public, but not as private professionals who operate on a fee- for-service basis. Although there are important differences between the two sectors, the similarities are even greater and staff members in each can benefit from knowing more about the ethical challenges of the other.

To simplify the discussion throughout the text, four terms will be used generically to describe both the governmental and nonprofit setting: organizations, administrators, political superiors, and citizens or clients.

Organizations refer to governmental entities such as a city government as well as to nonprofit organizations. Depending on the context and the nature of the organization, the term will encompass the specific unit to which one is assigned; for instance, a section, the whole department, or the entire organization. For example, a municipal police officer will deal with some ethical issues in his or her area of assignment, such as the patrol division, with some in the department as a whole and with others as an employee of city government. For a staff member in a small nonprofit agency, the distinctions may not be useful or necessary, but larger nonprofits will have similar divisions.

Administrators refer to the civil service or career staff in government and the professional staff in nonprofit organizations. These positions range from the top executives (city managers in municipal government or executive directors in nonprofit organizations) to the staff members who handle a variety of specialized tasks. Some will have supervisory responsibilities and, therefore, are the administrative superiors of the staff they supervise. Others work without subordinates; for example, analysts and many frontline service providers including teachers, counselors, eligibility specialists, or police officers.

Political superiors, on the other hand, refer to persons who set the official goals and policies for the organization and oversee the administrators. In government organizations, this category includes both elected executives and members of legislative bodies as well as the politically appointed and politically oriented top layer of officials chosen by political executives such as the president, governor, or “strong” mayor. In local governments and special purpose agencies such as school districts, the political

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superiors hold positions such as council member, board member, or commissioner. In nonprofit organizations, these persons sit on the board of directors.

Finally, the words citizens and clients refer to persons served by governmental and nonprofit organizations. In some respects, this is the least satisfactory of the generic terms. When stressing the recipients of a service, the word client is generally a suitable term for both government and nonprofit organizations, but it works less well for persons who are audited by an IRS agent or given a speeding ticket by a police officer. Those who do not choose their treatment may not feel that they are a “client” or are being “served,” but we will still include them in this category. Citizen implies not just the person who is impacted by organizational action, but also the person who provides the support and legitimacy for government (Denhardt and Denhardt 2011). Citizenship has come to be intermixed with the discussion of immigrant status, and to some it is a legal term reserved for those who are native-born or naturalized in the United States (Lucio 2009). We will consider citizens to include all residents who are members of the community that interact with government. How officials in governmental and nonprofit organizations interact with residents who are not documented is an important ethical issue.

The term citizen does not have the same meaning for the nonprofit organizations whose leaders are not chosen by or directly accountable to the public. Still, nonprofit organizations also have broad responsibilities to persons beyond those who receive services or provide contributions. If a nonprofit organization is perceived by the public to be wasteful and ineffective, it will probably not be able to survive just because it keeps a small group of clients happy. Furthermore, nonprofits operate within a legal framework that is sanctioned by government and the people. Thus, the basic idea of a service and fiduciary relationship between the organization and the people or some segment of it is common to the public and the nonprofit sectors.

These terms suggest the four responsibilities that are shared by government and nonprofit administrators. These responsibilities are the foundation for identifying the nature of the duty of public administrators: their responsibility to serve individuals, their responsibility to be accountable to the “people” and promote the public interest, their responsibility to their organization, and their responsibility to political superiors and to uphold the law and established policy. Some administrators in governmental and certain nonprofit organizations have the authority to exercise coercive power to support the discharge of their assigned responsibilities.1 Others in government and nonprofit organizations invite persons in need to accept services or assistance; they don’t coerce them to do anything. Frequently, it is citizens who initiate the contact to request or demand actions, remedies, or attention. In any of these circumstances, public administrators relate with citizens in a distinctive way. This is not a market-exchange relationship in which a service or commodity is offered, and customers can decide whether the price and quality are acceptable. In some interactions between citizens and officials, citizens are dependent and vulnerable and have no other source for the service. In other interactions, citizens are the “bosses” of officials. The citizens or clients who interact with public administrators have reason to expect that they will be treated fairly and with respect, that they will be informed and listened to, and that they will receive the service or benefit that they deserve.

The responsibility to the people—to serve the public interest—means that

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administrators should also go beyond one-on-one encounters with individuals to consider general concerns of groups of people or society as a whole. Promoting the public interest requires attention not only to current citizens but to future generations as well (Frederickson 1997). Public administrators’ awareness of social needs and changing conditions provides the basis for identifying possible changes in procedure or policy that they may initiate or propose to administrative or political superiors. They also have a broad responsibility to make good use of the resources that have been entrusted to them whether they come from taxes or contributions.

Public administrators should also be responsible to the organization of which they are a part. This does not mean that the administrator is totally bound by the organization or loses his or her own voice in discussions of ends and means. Still, public administrators are not sole practitioners like physicians or accountants who can set up their own practice. They operate within an authority structure, they work with others to advance organizational mission, and they have a responsibility to make the organization as strong, effective, and ethical as possible.

Administrators also have a responsibility to their political superiors. This relationship involves a complex mixture of control and freedom, accountability and independence. Political-administrative relations based on shared responsibilities are essential to the duty of the public servant.

THE SETTING CONTINUED: DIFFERENCES BETWEEN GOVERNMENT AND NONPROFIT ORGANIZATIONS There are basic similarities in the positions of administrators who work in government and in nonprofit organizations. Still, it is important to recognize some significant differences between these types of organizations as well.2 Nonprofit service organizations arise from a concern about an unmet need. Ott and Dicke (2012, 3) describe their origins in this way:

Throughout the history of the United States, individual citizens repeatedly have recognized a need or a problem, attracted others who share their concern, and built a voluntary constituency that was committed to ameliorating, solving, or eliminating it, even if the issue and the people associated with it were socially undesirable at the time. In instance after instance over the decades and centuries, this voluntary process has been used to influence changes in public policy and government support—or tolerance—for what was originally an unacceptable cause, case or issue, whether it be unacceptable politically, socially, or religiously.

Nonprofits have freedom and flexibility not available to governmental organizations. This freedom applies to generating resources, but nonprofits lack the relatively certain revenues of government and the coercive power to enforce the collection of taxes. Nonprofits have a basic mission that is central to the work of the organization, and it is usually much narrower in scope than the typical general-purpose government. Nonprofits are sometimes referred to as mission-driven organizations. In a sense, the mission has an overriding impact on all those who work for a nonprofit, and this

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condition differentiates it from government. Consider this comparison. City council members are elected to determine the mission and goals of their city government; the choices the members make may be hotly debated within the council and in the larger community, and the specific goals may change dramatically over time. On the other hand, the persons who work in a nonprofit as board members or as staff members typically begin with a commitment to the organization’s mission. They are expected to allow the mission to “drive” them, although they make the detailed decisions about how to translate the mission into reality at a given time. If some persons want to pursue the mission differently or pursue a different version of the mission, they may choose to leave and even to start their own organization.

This option points to another basic characteristic that makes nonprofits distinctive: nonprofit organizations are competitive service organizations. They do not have a monopoly on the provision of a service, as is sometimes the case of government agencies. In addition, they do not provide a product through the market, as is the case of businesses. Still, they offer a purpose, a service, or a product that benefits society (like government) in a competitive setting (like business). To succeed, they must attract clients, volunteers, supporters, and contributors in the face of other organizations that are trying to have the same success. Thus, the staff members in nonprofit organizations are public servants who operate in a more open, flexible, and competitive environment. The underlying presumption of this text is that the shared commitment to serve (as well as the absence of profit motive) makes the staff in nonprofit and governmental organizations more alike than different.

OVERVIEW What can this text do—and not do? It most certainly cannot “teach ethics” by specifying what is the “correct” way to behave. Furthermore, it does not “teach ethics” in the sense of introducing the reader to a previously unknown subject or by treating the reader as an ethical blank slate. You come to this text and an interest in administrative ethics with a reservoir of ethical and moral values on which you can draw. Hopefully you recorded some of those values earlier when you completed the pop quiz about your code of ethics. Rather, I write this text with the intention of helping you to understand the integral role of ethics in public administration, organize your thinking about ethics, understand the sources of ethical thinking and linkages between your personal values and the ethical values of public service, and heighten your awareness of the ethical content of work in the public sector.

If the grasp of basic ethical concepts and standards is widespread, awareness of the full range of ethical standards that apply to public administrators is less well developed. Furthermore, sophisticated and reflective ethical reasoning and the knowledge, commitment, and determination to be an autonomous ethical actor are often lacking. The text seeks to encourage you to attain this level of ethical reasoning and to enable you to do so. It seeks to arm you with the resources to recognize ethical problems that require your attention and to assert your ethical values even if others may pressure you to act unethically by commission or omission, that is, the failure to act. Finally, the text encourages you to not only steer clear of unethical behavior and helps you to avoid

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ethical pitfalls but also to embrace the importance of discharging positive ethical responsibilities—doing good as well as not doing bad.

The effort starts in the next chapter where we consider the nature of ethical ideas and from where they come. We also examine more fully the various levels of ethical reasoning and help you understand where you are compared with a range of possibilities. Throughout the text, a touchstone of administrative ethics is public duty. In the chapter on refining a sense of duty, we seek to show duty as more active rather than reactive. One view of duty defines serving the public in terms of observing the law and obeying superiors. A refined sense of duty is based on careful reflection about the nature of responsibilities to the public, political superiors, and the organization. It also requires that you develop a reasoned view about your obligations and the constraints under which you operate as an individual engaged in public service. This refined sense of obligation supports postconventional ethical reasoning. The chapter on reinforcing and enlarging duty will broaden the discussion to examine the philosophical perspectives on virtues, principles, and consequences that contribute to universal standards of ethical behavior. This chapter also presents a complete model that incorporates the expanded sense of duty and philosophical perspectives, complementing the examination of the basic elements of a model of administrative ethics presented in the chapter on the ideas, sources, and development of administrative ethics. The “ethics triangle” provides guidance based on the ethical ideals of public interest, justice, character, and the greatest good. The model will be used as a framework for examining codes of ethics for professionals in government and nonprofits in the chapter on codifying duty and ethics.

Later chapters will consider ethical challenges and actions. The chapter on undermining duty identifies the extensive factors that can undermine ethics. The chapter on deciding how to meet obligations explores complex ethical problems and presents a guide to problem solving in these situations. The special considerations and complexities of a particular kind of ethical problem—whistleblowing—are presented in the chapter on acting on duty in the face of uncertainty. The distinction between internal complaints and going outside is examined along with the choice between public and anonymous whistleblowing. The chapters on elevating ethical and mandating duty explore ways to promote ethics through the actions of managers and supervisors within organizations and through external mandates, particularly ethics laws. The concluding chapter, on the duties of public administrators, summarizes the obligations and responsibilities of public administrators who are committed to a principled, virtuous, and utilitarian sense of public duty.

1 For example, a nonprofit organization that provides training in a welfare-to-work program will determine whether a client meets prescribed criteria that permit the person to continue receiving benefits. 2 The scope of nonprofit organizations is large and they vary considerably in their degree of formality. This text is written for administrators in nonprofits as opposed to board members, and I assume that they work for tax exempt 501(c)(3) organizations as defined by the Internal Revenue Service. The purposes for which these organizations are created are “charitable, religious,

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educational, scientific, literary, testing for public safety, fostering national or international amateur sports competition, and preventing cruelty to children or animals.” The meaning of charitable includes the following activities: “relief of the poor, the distressed, or the underprivileged; advancement of religion; advancement of education or science; erecting or maintaining public buildings, monuments, or works; lessening the burdens of government; lessening neighborhood tensions; eliminating prejudice and discrimination; defending human and civil rights secured by law; and combating community deterioration and juvenile delinquency” (Internal Revenue Service 2012).

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CHAPTER 2

Administrative Ethics: Ideas, Sources, and Development

Filling in the content of administrative ethics will proceed in two stages. In the first stage, we will define ethics in general and administrative ethics in particular and examine the prevailing or conventional model of ethical thinking among public administrators. This is called the basic ethics model. Subsequently, the major approaches to ethics will be examined in more depth, and an advanced ethical model will be developed.

The first questions pursued in this chapter are big ones. What is ethics, and how does administrative ethics differ from other standards of behavior? Where do ethical standards come from? An important source of standards is philosophy and its major theories of ethics. However, our discussion of the sources of ideas for administrative ethics will focus initially on the ethics derived from the nature of the administrative position itself; in other words, the standards and expectations that are based on a duty to serve the public. It will then be possible to consider how this duty-based ethics is linked to other approaches that draw on philosophical arguments. Finally, it is important to consider how ethical thinking develops and the alternative levels of ethical reasoning. Not all persons think about ethics in the same way or have the same depth of ethical reasoning.

The responses from other students who completed the pop quiz about what is or should be their code of ethics are linked to the sources and levels of their ethical reasoning. There is some direct evidence from the student responses as well as results from other research to justify the conclusion that the characteristics of the basic ethics model are widely held. If you have not completed the pop quiz, backtrack to the introductory chapter before going further. This chapter concludes with an examination of other key concepts and considers what ethics shares with morality and legality, and how it is different from these concepts.

DEFINITION AND THE SOURCES OF ETHICAL IDEAS A general definition of ethics follows:

Ethics refers to well-based standards of right and wrong that prescribe what humans ought to do, usually in terms of duties, principles, specific virtues, or benefits to society.1

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This definition identifies four dimensions or sources of ethics, one based on the nature of public service and three based on the philosophical perspectives to ethics:

1. Duties: The behaviors expected of persons who occupy certain roles; that is, the obligations taken on when assuming a role or profession

2. Virtues: Qualities that define what a good person is; moral excellence 3. Principles: Fundamental truths that form the basis for behavior; “kinds of action

that are right or obligatory” (Frankena 1963, 49) 4. Benefits to society: Actions that produce the greatest good for the greatest

number2

For persons who work in government and nonprofit organizations, duty has a special importance. They must serve the public, fulfill the expectations of public office, and be trustees of public resources. These are the actions required by their occupation or role independent of—but reinforced by—other ethical considerations.

The ethics of public administrators begins with and is grounded in duty. Duty is an old-fashioned term that at first glance may seem too narrow to be more than the starting point for developing administrative ethics. In a narrow view, duty implies the restricted range of actions one is required to take without question, as in the phrase “It is my duty to…”. Ethics implies a broader range of expected behaviors and reflection about what should be done, and definitions of duty can encompass such views. Duty means the “action required by one’s business, occupation, or function” but also “the action or behavior due by moral or legal obligation.”3 Thus, duty implies obligations, responsibilities, and meeting expectations that are imposed on the individual from outside sources. This is the tradition of external control that was promoted by Finer (1941), who argued that elected officials should exercise minute control over administrators. In this view, the most important duty is to obey authoritative orders.

Duty, however, also entails choice on the part of the officials who accept the norms established by others and augment them with their own commitment. Cooper (1982, 112) notes the following observation of Fritz Morstein Marx:

Judicial redress, official liability, and the whole gamut of disciplinary measures are poor substitutes for a sense of duty. No formal device for accountability can give us a clue as to the components of answerable conduct. One cannot commandeer responsibility. One can only cultivate it, safeguard its roots, stimulate its growth, and provide it with favorable climatic conditions.

Thus, duty as an internalized set of values is the foundation for accountability. Others have also recognized the centrality of duty and seen it as an orientation that

draws out a broad range of responsibilities. For example, Mark Moore (1981, 5) distinguishes the narrow requirements from the broader possibilities in this statement:

The duties of public officials are not simply to be passive instruments in policy-making but to work actively in establishing goals for public policy in their area, and in advocating those goals among the people who share their responsibility. In short, they have the opportunity and duty to conceive of and pursue the public interest.

Thus, duty entails not only internalized standards but also the responsibility to take

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actions, such as making proposals or investigating problems, to advance the public good.

Public administration ethics is rooted in duty in the sense that persons who seek positions in government or nonprofit organizations (or who pursue educational programs to prepare themselves for such positions) are commonly motivated by a sense of duty to serve, sometimes called the public service motivation (Perry and Wise 1990). They wish to help others, to benefit society, or to serve the public interest. The public service motivation is indicated by an “attraction to policy making” and the political process; “commitment to the public interest/civic duty,” for example, doing “what is best for the whole community”; “compassion” or being “moved by the plight of the poor”; and “self-sacrifice” that is indicated by a commitment to work “for a cause bigger than myself” or being “prepared to make enormous sacrifices for the good of society” (Perry 1997, 187). The indicators are not ethical commitments in themselves, but they provide the basis for ethical values rooted in duty.

With a bit more thought, one could identify ways that administrators should handle key relationships guided by duty. The relationships are the interactions with the public, with the organization of which one is a part, and with political superiors—either elected officials (or their appointees) in government or boards of nonprofit organizations. Public administrators should not lie, withhold information, or put their own interests above serving the public. They should be accountable to their superiors and to the public. The point of these examples is simple: without even considering ethical theories or philosophy, it is possible to elaborate an extensive list of standards of right and wrong that prescribe what humans ought to do based on a sense of duty as a public servant. Thus, it is useful to start with duty-based ethics because it is obviously related to many important aspects of public service work. Furthermore, this is the kind of ethical reasoning that students in public administration and persons entering public service start with.

It is possible to expand duty-based ethics by thinking about the qualities that a person should manifest and the actions that he or she should take because that person occupies a position as a public servant. Public administrators should be honest, independent, competent, and committed to doing their best, and they should demonstrate integrity. These are virtues. They should treat all persons fairly and equally, observe the law, and follow the direction set by their leaders and their organizations. These are principles. Public administrators should try to achieve the greatest good for the most people. This is a beneficial consequence. Thus, the other dimensions of administrative ethics based on the philosophical traditions of virtue, principle, and consequences are integrally linked to conceptions of duty. These reflect common patterns of ethical thinking. In the following section, we will examine how well-established these types of thinking are in adults, particularly those attracted to public service.

Each of these dimensions can be expressed in a basic question:

• What are the expectations of persons holding public offices? (duty) • What are the qualities of a good person? (virtue) • What is the right thing to do? (principle) • What is the most beneficial action to take? (consequences)

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The framework for ethics developed in this primer is not a contest between perspectives but rather a blend of perspectives. One approach is not superior or first in the sense that it is the beginning of ethical thinking from which the rest follow. As we shall see, young adults have developed most of these aspects of ethical thinking to some extent and can use them without difficulty. Still, duty has a special salience and relevance for persons who are attracted to public service positions. The service orientation seems the proximate reason for pursuing the position or career whereas the other approaches help to shape how one serves others and handles the challenges that are encountered in a public service position and career. Thus, duty is central to administrative ethics.

YOUR CODE COMPARED TO OTHERS For many years in my course on ethics and professional practice in public administration, I have been asking students in the first class session to answer the question, “What is or should be your code of ethics for work in government or nonprofit organizations?”4 As a method of examining ethical attitudes, there are some important disadvantages to using this exercise. It is done without warning and opportunity for preparation or much reflection. There is no way of knowing the level of commitment to the items that are listed, much less whether students’ actions will match their ethical intentions. Still, I feel that the exercise can be illuminating for several reasons. First, the lack of preparation contributes to spontaneity. There is no time to develop an elaborate set of statements that may not reflect the values students actually hold. Second, the responses give some indication about the nature of ethical reasoning that public administration students use. Once written, the ethical statements (or tenets) become explicit, but before the exercise, they have been implicit. These ethical standards are present without necessarily being consciously organized. Students often comment that they have never considered their code of ethics before doing the exercise, but they clearly have ethical ideas in their minds.

Students provide varying but usually extensive responses. Each distinct idea with clear ethical content is counted as a tenet. There are several features of the codes that are worth noting. Less than 1 in 5 students list only 3 or fewer tenets, and 2 in 5 provide 4 to 6 tenets. The remaining students—over 40%—list 7 or more tenets, and 15% list 10 or more. For those who could list only 3 or fewer distinct tenets, one would have to feel some concern about the limited scope of their ethical commitment (or how seriously they took the exercise). Still, a short code can be thoughtful and encompass several important concerns even though the code is not comprehensive. In the following example, a student in my spring 2002 class identified 3 of the types of ethical reasoning:

1. The first tenet of a code of ethics would be honesty. (virtue) 2. The second tenet would be to the follow the law. (principle) 3. The third tenet would be to be a just public employee. Meaning: a public

employee should always evaluate how his or her behavior affects the public, and the employee should always remember that he or she was hired to work for the public. (duty)

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A student in 2009 provided several examples of each type of ethical reasoning:

1. Never harm individuals. (principle) 2. Never deceive others, be honest. (principle/virtue) 3. Never favor individuals, remain unbiased and equal. (principle) 4. Develop policy that is fair and equal. (duty) 5. Listen to others, value people’s opinions. (duty) 6. Be responsible for one’s actions, even if you make mistakes; own up. (duty) 7. Don’t steal. (principle) 8. Weigh all options when making decisions, don’t be in rush. (sound practice)

From examining these statements, it is clear that most students carry around in their heads something approximating a code of ethics before they have taken a course on professional ethics. Still, the scope of values and expectations incorporated in that code varies considerably. How does your code compare in terms of its length and scope?

Each statement was examined to determine what approach to ethical thinking is reflected: duty/public service, virtue, principle, consequences, or some other source. Obviously, this is a subjective judgment. The following guidelines, which were used in making the classification, are based on the characteristics of each approach to ethics. Tenets that stressed public service or behaviors that are expected because one is a public employee were classified as duty based. Tenets that included general statements about what one should do were classified as principle based. For example, saying “An official should not deceive the public” was considered a duty, whereas the statement “A person should never lie” was considered a principle. Tenets that stressed qualities (how a person should be as opposed to what he or she should do) were considered virtue based. For example, in contrast to the principle about not lying, “One should be honest” is considered virtue based. A tenet that stressed doing what helped the most people or produced good outcomes was considered consequentialist, whereas a general statement about promoting the public interest was considered duty based. To give examples, the classification for the tenets in the examples just given was indicated in brackets at the end of each tenet. The summary classification of the reasoning contained in the student statements suggests the characteristics of a basic model of ethics. It is presented in Table 2–1.

Table 2–1. Type of Ethical Reasoning Reflected in Statements

Percentage Number Based on duty/public service 37.4% 325 Virtue 20.9% 182 Principle 28.9% 251 Consequences 0.8% 7 Professional standards 10.5% 91 Other 1.5% 13

100.0% 869

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Note: A total of 131 students listed 869 separate tenets.

Based on this analysis of all statements, duty-based reasoning is the most common, representing over one-third of all tenets that could be classified. Principle-based and virtue-based reasoning are also very common. The following is a list of examples of each type of statement ordered from most to least common within each category.

Statements based on duty or public service:

• Serve the public. • Avoid conflict of interest or personal gain. • Promote the public interest. • Act as a steward of public resources. • Take responsibility for actions; be accountable. • Share or disclose information to the public. • Blow the whistle (report) on wrongdoing.

Statements based on virtue:

• Display honesty. • Show integrity. • Be respectful. • Be consistent. • Avoid impropriety.

Statements based on principle:

• Follow the laws, policies, or regulations. • Act with fairness. • Treat all equally. • Protect confidential information. • Follow the Golden Rule. • Do not lie.

In addition, a modest number of statements are based on standards of professional practice rather than other forms of ethical reasoning. Examples are maintaining a professional demeanor, sharing credit with coworkers, or taking time to make decisions.

It is interesting to note that students do not use consequences as the basis for ethical tenets. It seems likely that making choices to produce good outcomes is common behavior, but it appears that students do not necessarily see such behaviors as ethical in nature. In fact, the argument that the “ends justifies the means” is likely to be seen as a rationalization for a questionable action rather than an ethical justification. One may choose to take the action justified in this way, but it is not considered to be ethical. It appears that consequentialist thinking is not an important aspect of a basic approach to

26

administrative ethics. It is also possible to focus on the overall code of each student (as opposed to

analyzing the breakdown of the separate tenets). Almost every student in this exercise includes in their code at least one tenet that is based on duty or commitment to public service. Almost as many—approximately three out of four—use principle and virtue as the basis for tenets. As noted, very few use consequentialist reasoning.

Thus, all the approaches except consequentialism are present in the thinking of most public administration students. Still, from the samples that are offered, it is apparent that none of these ways of thinking about ethics in public administration is fully developed. This suggests that the underlying concepts are not fully understood before students have undertaken formal study of administrative ethics. With study and reflection, it is possible to deepen ethical thinking by more fully understanding the ethical approaches that are being used informally and by more clearly linking these approaches to the issues and challenges of public service.

What about the code that you wrote? How many tenets did you include, recognizing that you may have combined more than one in a single statement? What kinds of reasoning were reflected in your tenets?

Another vantage point on the nature of ethical standards comes from a study of practitioners in state and local government. In survey of 52 administrators in state and local government in midwestern states, Molina and McKeown (2012) examine the importance assigned to 30 value statements drawn from the public administration literature. Thirteen of these statements were in the upper portion of the rankings based on two measures. The average importance based on a 4-point rating was greater than 3.5; that is, their overall assessment tended to be that the value is “always important.” In addition, these values were most likely to be included in a separate list provided by the respondents of the top five values that they found important in their work as an administrator. The values with the definitions offered by Molina and McKeown are included in Table 2–2 along with the percentage of respondents who consider the value to be always important and who include it in the top five list.

The two approaches to assessing importance indicate some differences. If the inclusion of a value in the top five list suggests that these are the core values that are given precedence or relied on in the toughest decisions, then the values of benevolence, incorruptibility, serviceability, and humaneness may be left out. Even lawfulness, effectiveness, and impartiality are included in the top five by less than one in four of these practitioners.

As in the students’ codes of ethics, the most importance is assigned to values grounded in virtue and the duties that promote public service. Principles are underrepresented in the choices of practitioners, although the list from which they chose did not include the simple values of treating all persons with fairness and treating all persons equally. Two of the values in the top 13 may be considered ethical in the sense of being a standard of rightness, or they might be viewed as indicators of professionalism. Administrators with high professional competence are committed to achieving effective results and to acting based on expertise. Viewed from an ethical perspective, a good administrator does not tolerate a lack of commitment to results or acting in ways that are not consistent with competence, skill, and knowledge.

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Table 2–2. Most Important Values to Practitioners

Data from Molina, Anthony DeForest, and Cassandra McKeown. 2012. “The Heart of the Profession: Understanding Public Service Values.” Journal of Public Affairs Education 18: 375– 396, Tables 2, 3, and 4. “Approach to Ethics” category added by author.

The values that are rated lower than those included in Table 2–2 or are less likely to be included on the most important list offer insights into the ethical views of practitioners. The more demanding virtue of courage was ranked lower (considered always important by 48%). Values with a greater social dimension are ranked lower.

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These are promoting the public interest (42%), promoting social justice (38%), and advancing sustainability (19%). Values that deal with the administrator’s orientation to citizens and encouraging their participation were less likely to be viewed as always important.5 These values are the following:

• Transparency: To act in a manner that is open and visible to citizens, customers, and other relevant stakeholders (46%)

• Inclusiveness: To act in a manner that includes citizens, customers, and other relevant stakeholders in the decision-making process (37%)

• Responsiveness: To act in a manner that is in accordance with the preferences of citizens, customers, and other relevant stakeholders (27%)

• Representative: To act in a manner that is consistent with the values of citizens (23%)

• Pluralism: To act in a manner that seeks to accommodate the interests of a diverse citizenry (21%)

• Participative: To act in a manner that promotes active citizen participation in administrative decision making (15%)

These practitioners evidence a strong commitment to serve the public, but assign less importance to incorporating them in the process of governance.

Over half (54%) feel it is always important to act in a manner that promotes the organization’s interest—an orientation that can lead to slighting other values. Many assigned high importance to obeying superiors (40%) but relatively few view collegiality (i.e., acting loyally toward their colleagues) in this way (23%). There is little inclination to assign high important to practical accomplishments with little ethical content, for example, being innovative (38%) and being efficient (33%). Furthermore, these practitioners are unlikely to assign great importance to promoting one’s own interest (21%) or seeking to advance the financial gains for the organization (12%).

We see that students studying public administration and practitioners of public administration at the state and local level have a substantial array of ethical standards that they can identify or to which they assign importance. They draw on three of four approaches to understanding ethics. Still, each of these approaches could be developed in greater depth and expanded in scope. The duty-based approach involves the nature of the public service position and the handling of critical relationships. In other words, what are my duties as a public servant and what kind of behavior is expected of me as I interact with political superiors, the public, and my organization? The other ethical perspectives can be studied on their own and as sources of questions that broaden and deepen duty-based ethics: What kind of person should I be, what is the right thing to do, and how much emphasis should be placed on achieving good results as I do my duty? By organizing and integrating these approaches, I hope that the reader will have a stronger and richer sense of what it means to do one’s duty in public service and will be better equipped to accomplish it.

In short, duty—the core of the public service ethic—is reinforced and expanded by balancing attention to virtue, principle, and good consequences. Thus, we may revise the earlier definition to create this definition of administrative ethics:

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Administrative ethics refers to well-based standards of right and wrong that prescribe what public administrators ought to do in terms of duty to public service, principles, virtues, and benefits to society.

Students in public administration programs and persons in public service very likely have a working version of this definition in their heads and carry around tenets that are based on duty, virtue, and principle. The challenge is to bring this definition forward in the consciousness of public administrators and to deepen and broaden the understanding of what it means. You may also think about whether considering consequences can make a contribution to ethical reasoning. In other words, you are challenged to further develop your ethical judgment. Before thinking about doing that, however, it is important to consider in general how ethical reasoning develops and better understand the levels of ethical reasoning.

ETHICAL DEVELOPMENT How people acquire attitudes about ethics and morality is a large topic, but it is important to examine the question briefly here as part of the introduction to the subject of administrative ethics. As noted, adults, obviously including those who work or wish to work in government or nonprofits, are likely to have a reservoir of ethical ideas and moral commitments. In the process of growing up, getting an education, and absorbing values from people around them, they are undergoing moral development that takes them through different stages of reasoning about why they should act in a moral or ethical way and what it means to be a moral person. Family interactions influence development. Membership in a church or an organization such as the Boy Scouts, Girl Scouts, or Boys and Girls Club expose children to experiences that are intentionally designed to promote social and moral development.

Lawrence Kohlberg (1981) offers a model of moral judgment to help understand how the capacity for ethical reasoning develops and explains the motives for acting at different stages of development. Kohlberg is concerned with morality broadly, but we can assume that the level of moral reasoning will be transferred to the way that individuals make ethical judgments about their role and behavior in an organization or profession. Stated differently, we expect that individuals will work through choices about behavior at the same level whether they are making a moral choice in their personal life or an ethical choice in their work as a public administrator.

Kohlberg identified six stages that children go through in the maturation process as they are influenced by a variety of socializing forces. The levels are preconventional levels, where the child is starting to respond to rules but has values that are self- centered; conventional levels, where the older child and adult internalizes the values of doing the right thing in order to meet the expectations of others or to comply with prevailing standards; and postconventional or principled levels, where moral values are grounded in universal principles (Stewart and Sprinthall 1994; Kohlberg 1981).6 The levels and Kohlberg’s (1981, 17–19) Stages of Moral Development are the following:

LEVEL STAGE SOCIAL ORIENTATION Preconventional 1 Punishment and obedience

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2 Instrumental relativist Conventional 3 “Good boy; nice girl” 4 Society maintaining/law and order Postconventional 5 Social contract 6 Universal ethical principle

Kohlberg believes that the stages always occur in this order, and that people always incorporate the values of one stage before moving to the next. Although others argue that reasoning may draw from more that one stage, it is presumed that each stage reflects a dominant mode of thinking about moral choices at any given time. Most adults have moved to Stage 4, but most do not move beyond that stage. Stage 4 reflects reasoning that emphasizes what is legal and supports social institutions. Sophisticated moral or ethical reasoning, on the other hand, reflects postconventional thinking, but it appears that this level of reasoning is somewhat uncommon. Thus, an important implication of this work is that all persons go through a progression of thinking about morality in which they broaden their views to think about what is good for society, not just for themselves. At Stage 4, they have developed “a conception of the social system as a consistent set of codes and procedures that apply impartially to all members” based on law or religious canon, and “the pursuit of individual interests is considered legitimate only when it is consistent with maintenance of the socio-moral system as a whole” (Colby and Kohlberg 1987, 28–29). There is a connection between these characteristics and the ethical reasoning we have observed in students and practitioners that emphasizes duty to serve others, virtue, and basic principles.

Kohlberg’s model is also useful for identifying why people behave the way they do at each of the differing levels of morality. Each stage is associated with a different motive for following rules or taking moral action. Kohlberg (1981, 19, 411–412) offers these “word pictures” of the reasons for behavior in each stage:

1. Punishment and obedience: Stimulus/response Obey rules to avoid punishment

2. Instrumental relativist: Self-serving good behavior Conform to obtain rewards, have favors returned, and generate others’ goodwill

3. “Good boy; nice girl”: Meeting the expectations of others with whom one interacts Conform to avoid disapproval and dislike by others

4. Society maintaining/law and order: Meeting standards imposed by society through law and convention Conform to avoid censure by legitimate authorities and resulting guilt

5. Social contract: Seeking to promote rights of all as agreed to by society Conform to maintain respect of the impartial observer judging in terms of community welfare

6. Universal ethical principle: Seeking to act in ethically principled way Conform to avoid self-condemnation for failing to live up to the values to which one is committed

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These motives are ones to which we can easily relate in our everyday or organizational lives. At Stage 1, a person does whatever he or she can get away with and avoid getting caught and punished. Some cynics portray this orientation as common among self-serving public administrators. It would represent a base level of moral reasoning and is likely to be rare, although instances of such behavior certainly occur in government and nonprofit organizations. Stage 2 reflects a narrow cost–benefit calculation: “I will follow the rules because I benefit more from doing so than from breaking the rules.” There is no respect for the value of the rules themselves. Ethical standards are low and likely to stress what one should not do. Stages 3 and 4 differ in the breadth and source of expectations. When we act at Stage 3, we do the right thing because it is expected by those with whom we interact. We do not want to disappoint them or let them down, and we do not want to incur their displeasure. It is a highly personalized approach to deciding what is right and wrong, and the standards are influenced by our perceptions of the expectations of others and a feeling of loyalty to them.

Persons acting at the Stage 4 level accept the legitimacy of laws and other rules of behavior, including codes of ethics. They feel obligated to act in terms of these laws, policies, and rules based on the narrow or reactive sense of duty described earlier. In the view of Rest and his colleagues (1999, 38), conventional morality “is duty oriented and authoritarian (in the sense of affording unchallenged powers to authorities and in deferring to authorities).” Persons at this stage may not understand the reasons for the rules or feel a sense of commitment to the principles or purposes on which they are based, but they feel an obligation to follow the rules. They feel a sense of guilt when they do not.

The postconventional stages are somewhat difficult to distinguish and now are usually combined by scholars. For example, Stewart and Sprinthall (1994) refer to the P stage or principled stage.7 The P stage reflects a deeper understanding and broader commitment than Stage 4. At this level, there would be much more likelihood of critically examining the reasons for acting and seeking to alter unfair laws, policies, and rules than at the lower levels. For example, Kohlberg had great respect for Martin Luther King, Jr., who for principled reasons resisted and acted to change unjust laws. Rest and his colleagues provide this description of postconventional ethical reasoning:

The positive and constructive aspect of postconventional thinking is to provide some idealized way that humans can interrelate, some ideals for organizing society. Examples of ideals for society that have been proposed include creating the greatest good for all, guaranteeing minimal rights and protection for everyone, engendering caring and intimacy among people, mandating fair treatment, providing for the needy, furthering the common good, actualizing personhood, and so on. (Rest et al. 1999, 42)

In their view, the ideals of postconventional thinking are “sharable”—not supported by dogma and the preferences of a selected group—and thus open to rational critique and subject to the test of logical consistency (Rest et al. 1999, 42). It is noteworthy that the examples offered by Rest and his colleagues include the consequentialist approach (“creating the greatest good for all”), the principle-based approach (“guaranteeing minimal rights and protection for everyone”), and the duty-based approach (“furthering the common good”).

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Why do you act the way you do when you decide what is right and wrong in your professional work? Presumably your reasons go beyond Stage 1 (simply avoiding punishment for doing something that violates policy or rules), but there are widely supported explanations of motivation that approximate Stage 2. One may be good for self-serving reasons. Public-choice theory in general, and principal-agent models in particular, assume that pursuit of self-interest is the key factor that drives behavior (Peters 1999). One may do what is right and expected in order to obtain rewards or cooperate with others to reduce transaction costs (being trustworthy so that favors will be returned), but the underlying concern is self-interest. Unfortunately, this motivation is a limited and narrow foundation for ethical action.

Reasons for acting ethically that extend farther beyond one’s self are found at the conventional stage. The good-boy/nice-girl orientation involves meeting the expectations of others, especially coworkers. Presumably, the expectations of the “organization” also have weight in defining behavior, although the expectations may be shaped more by the response of immediate superiors and coworkers than by the broad purposes and values of the organization. At this stage, you conform to avoid disapproval and dislike by others or the sense that you are out-of-step with prevailing values in the work group. In contrast, at Stage 4, one’s behavior is guided by standards that are embedded in law and convention. In other words, the standards have been codified, and you are motivated to follow the standards to maintain order in society. An important aspect of these types of ethical reasoning is that there is limited internal control—or internalized reasons, if you prefer—for ethical action. One is guided by the reaction of others or external standards that are accepted with little reflection.

At the postconventional stages, one has socially beneficial reasons for acting ethically. There may be concern for expanding shared benefits or promoting the public interest. There may be a commitment to act in an ethically principled way, which entails having a grasp of guiding principles and the ability to apply them appropriately to a given situation. One does not operate “above the law” in the sense that one is free to decide whether to follow the law. Still one is “beyond the law” in the sense that one understands the reason for the law, is able to relate it to broader reasons for ethical action, and is capable of questioning whether change in the law—or in policy or program goals—should be considered.

It is not clear from research on moral development what proportion of adults attains this level of moral reasoning. Kohlberg found that most middle-class Americans were at Stage 4 and that Stages 5 and 6 reasoning was relatively uncommon. Most college students operate at Stages 3 and 4 (Gardiner 1998). Stewart, Sprinthall, and Kem (2002) in their inventory of ethical reasoning in resolving hypothetical dilemmas in government found that public administrators in the United States and Poland are most likely to use Stage 4 reasoning, somewhat less likely to use principled stage reasoning, and least likely to use Stages 1–3. Using the DIT, Rest and his colleagues found that the reliance on the P stage thinking advances with higher education and can be the dominant mode of reasoning for a specialized group such as graduate students in political theory and moral philosophy (Rest et al. 1999, 67–68). Furthermore, educational intervention to broaden ethical thinking can increase the use of P stage reasoning (Rest et al. 1999, 74–75). Most useful in raising the level of moral reasoning are techniques that include the active involvement of students in learning (Gardiner

33

1998, 73). Considering cases that present moral dilemmas and relating the levels of moral development to resolving these dilemmas help students recognize how one reasons at a higher level. We will use these strategies throughout the text. As you explore a topic or examine a case study, it is useful to consider why you think about alternatives in the way you do when confronted with an ethical choice and whether there are alternative ways to think about the situation. Educational approaches with active learning of this kind in courses that concentrate on ethics taught by capable instructors can elevate students’ Kohlberg stage scores (Jurkiewicz 2002).

BASIC COMPONENTS OF ADMINISTRATIVE ETHICS We have examined the meaning of administrative ethics and briefly introduced philosophical approaches to ethics, the content of ethical thinking typically expressed by persons interested in public service but without formal education in ethics, and the major stages in the development of ethical reasoning. Together they represent the basic elements—a basic model—of administrative ethics. We introduce the components at this point in the discussion for two reasons. First, it closely reflects the attitudes that are commonly held by those who enter public service or have been working for government and nonprofit organizations. Second, the elements will be developed further at a later point in the discussion. Some time ago, I suggested that a person can think of ethics as a triangle with the points defined by the three philosophical approaches: virtue, principle, and consequences (Svara 1997). It has been a useful approach is the classroom and in training activities with practitioners, and it is the advanced model to which we shall return—but how do we get to this model of ethics, both conceptually and developmentally? The foundation on which we build is the simpler and not-quite- complete version composed of the basic components presented here. The basic components reflect Stage 4 ethical reasoning, whereas the advanced model to be developed later will reflect a principled level of ethical reasoning.

In the basic components, there is a strong emphasis on basic duties, principles of fairness and legality, and the virtues of honesty and integrity. It seems appropriate to place duty at the center, in particular the commitment to serve the public and the obligation to put the interest of the public above one’s personal self-interest. It is striking that many students in their implicit codes of ethics mentioned some aspect of selflessness: not seeking inappropriate personal gain from holding office and steering clear of situations that create a conflict of interest. Similarly, practitioners surveyed by Molina and McKeown (2012) assigned great importance to being incorruptible in the sense of not acting to advance one’s own private interests. In addition, they gave the highest rankings to honest, integrity, and obeying the law along with promoting what is good for citizens. Despite the importance of consequentialism as a major conceptual approach to thinking about ethics, it does not seem to be an important part of the basic way that public servants think about their ethical standards. The basic components that involve the interplay of duty, virtue, and principle are presented in Figure 2–1.

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Consultation In Schools homework help

Consultation In Schools homework help

Thomas J. Kampwirth Kristin M. Powers

Collaborative Consultation in the Schools

Effective Practices for Students with Learning and Behavior Problems

FIFTH EdITIon

 

 

Collaborative Consultation in the Schools

 

 

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Collaborative Consultation in the Schools

Effective Practices for Students with Learning and Behavior Problems

F i f t h E d i t i o n

Thomas J. Kampwirth Professor Emeritus, California State University, Long Beach

Kristin M. Powers California State University, Long Beach

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Kampwirth, Thomas J. Collaborative consultation in the schools : effective practices for students with learning and behavior problems /

Thomas J. Kampwirth, Professor Emeritus, California State University, Long Beach, Kristin M. Powers, California State University, Long Beach.—Fifth edition.

pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-13-382713-2 (alk. paper) — ISBN 0-13-382713-5 (alk. paper) 1. Educational counseling—United States. 2. Group work in education—United States. 3. Learning disabled

children—Services for—United States. 4. Problem children—Services for—United States. 5. School management and organization—United States. I. Powers, Kristin M. II. Title.

LB1027.5.K285 2016 371.4’220973—dc23

2014035167

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I dedicate this text to my wife Frieda; our children, Kathy, Tom, and Ed; and our grandchildren, Alyssa, Shane, Conor, Elise, and Addie Lu,

and our great grandson, Asher.

—T.K.

I dedicate this text to my husband, Mark, and our children Jordan, Cassidy, and Felix.

—K.P.

 

 

ABouT ThE AuThorS

Thomas J. Kampwirth is Professor Emeritus in the Advanced Studies in Education and Counseling Department at California State University, Long Beach. He taught in the areas of special education and school psychology from 1971 through 2004 and was coordinator of the school psychology program for 25 years. From 1980 through 2009 he was a consulting school psychologist for the special education programs operated by the Orange County Department of Education. Dr. Kampwirth served as a special education teacher and school psychologist in numerous districts in Illinois, Arizona, and California. His research interests include aptitude– treatment interactions and consultation processes. He received his doctorate in school psychol- ogy from the University of Illinois in 1968. In 2003, he was given the Lifetime Achievement Award by the National Association of School Psychologists.

Kristin M. Powers is Professor of School Psychology and Director of the Community Clinic for Counseling and Educational Services at California State University, Long Beach. Her research on transition planning, instructional consultation, and disproportional representation in special e ducation has been published in state and national journals. She is Co-Project Director of two Office of Special Education Program (OSEP) grants focused on advanced training in instruc- tional consultation and multi-tiered systems of support. She is a founding board member of the Consortium to Promote School Psychology in Vietnam (CASP-V). She worked as a school p sychologist and administrative assistant for the Long Beach Unified School District (LBUSD). She received her doctorate in educational psychology from the University of Minnesota school psychology program in 1998.

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PrEFACE

Collaborative Consultation in the Schools: Effective Practices for Students with Learning and Behavior Problems was written with two different audiences in mind: university students and practitioners in the schools. University students are likely to be doing advanced work in special education, school psychology, school counseling, or educational administration. Practitioners in schools are currently employed in these professions and are being asked increasingly to help oth- ers, usually teachers or parents, solve learning and behavior problems. In this book, we present the consultation process as a collaborative, problem-solving endeavor designed to assist consult- ees in their work with students who have, or are at risk for, behavioral or learning problems. A key focus is on consultants bridging the gap between research and practice in schools. Whether it is designing an intensive academic intervention, assisting a teacher in improving his classroom management, or developing a transition plan for a student with a low incidence disability, the consultant should strive to initiate evidence-based practices whenever possible. A second key theme to this consultation text is providing interventions that are proportional to the students’ needs. Through data-based system change, schools are redistributing their resources along multi- tiered systems of support (MTSSs), so those in greatest need receive the most intensive help. MTSS (which includes response to intervention [RtI] and schoolwide positive behavior support [SWPBS]) requires collaborative consultation to be successful.

Consultation as a service delivery system in the public schools has increased in popularity since the late 1990s. Prior to 1990, most special and general educators were still expected to deal on their own with whatever problems they experienced in their teaching or management of chil- dren; indeed, those who sought help may have been regarded as unable to deal with the job of teaching and subtly, or overtly, rejected by their peers or supervisors. To a lesser extent, this iso- lationism continues today in our schools and can be a formidable barrier for school consultants. Good interpersonal, problem-solving, and communication skills; the building of trust; and a change in the school culture to be more collaborative can reduce these barriers, as we discuss at length in this text. The goal of collaborative consultation is synergism, wherein the dyad or team produce better results than if each person works in isolation. Adhering to the problem-solving process, including data-based goal setting and evaluation, is critical to achieving synergism.

Since the Education for all Handicapped Children Act of 1977, teacher assistance teams, student study teams, transition planning teams, and individualized education programming teams and a host of other formal and semiformal team arrangements have been developed to meet the needs of students who require some degree of assistance to be successful in school. Indeed, it would be surprising to find a school today that did not depend on its student study team to dis- cuss and develop interventions for students at risk of school failure. These team interactions also meet the needs of parents in their efforts to understand and support their children.

Beyond what takes place in team meetings is a real need for everyday assistance for both special education teachers, who are providing direct teaching services to students with disabili- ties, and general educators, who are charged with teaching students with disabilities in addition to a large cadre of other vulnerable and marginalized students. This text is primarily devoted to helping those who assist special and general educators and support services personnel to deal with the everyday, ongoing challenges presented by underperforming students. Most school per- sonnel are involved in problem-solving student problems case by case, whether formally or informally. Some believe that greater efficiencies and a larger impact can be made by changing how the school operates. MTSSs can happen in a school only when school personnel have learned the value of collaborative problem solving as opposed to isolated work. In an MTSS school, school personnel have a shared sense of responsibility to the students and frequently examine data and discuss how to improve student outcomes. Job descriptions and expectations have changed accordingly. Special education teachers are increasingly leaving their resource room and special day classes to consult with general education teachers. School psychologists are embracing more intervention-based assessments and are taking increased responsibility for assisting in the development and evaluation of appropriate interventions. School counselors are more likely to see if they can be of assistance with some referrals through consultation with teachers and parents in conjunction with individual or group counseling efforts. Mentor teachers,

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viii Preface

vice principals, and others are also seeing their roles expand to include consultation, particularly when engaged in school reform. We hope that the combination of scientifically based practices, practical advice, and case studies presented in this text will assist the reader in providing effec- tive consultation to colleagues and families.

New to this editioN

The fifth edition has been updated significantly. It includes a new chapter (Chapter 8) on transi- tion planning for students with disabilities preparing for adulthood (this chapter is co-authored by Edwin Achola). The main thrust of this revision has been to update the evidence-based prac- tices based on current research and to add video clips to the text and activities to provide addi- tional details and dimensions to the concepts. We also replaced the term response to intervention (RtI) with the more encompassing term multi-tiered systems of support (MTSS) in order to emphasize the parallels between RtI and school-wide positive behaviour support (SWPBS). The fifth edition also provides more information on serving students with autism spectrum disorder (ASD), including a detailed case-study in Chapter 10. Finally, we provide more coverage on how technology can be used in consultation and professional development.

Some additional updates include the following:

• A description and possible implications of the Common Core State Standards for consult- ants (Chapters 1 and 7)

• More information on working with paraprofessionals (Chapter 2) • A list of do’s and don’ts in using electronic communications in consultation (Chapter 4) • Tips for providing legal testimony (Chapter 5) • Information and activities on the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) and

the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPPA; Chapter 5) • Changes included in the fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental

Disorders (Chapter 6) • The theory and research on microaggressions experienced by cultural and language minor-

ities (Chapter 4) • An expanded treatment fidelity section has been included, along with a treatment fidelity

assessment observation form (Chapter 3) • An effective instruction observation/feedback form for school-based consultants (Chapter 7)

We think one of the most valuable additions to the text has been the insertion of video clips. Short, 2- to 3-minute video clips introduce the reader to important concepts. Longer clips are contained in the activities. Course instructors or staff members involved in professional devel- opment can show these clips and engage in highly nuanced, relevant discussions. Thus, the fifth edition of Collaborative Consultation in the Schools is an interactive text that prepares students for the demands of school-based consultation like no other text before. In addition, we examined the Educational Testing Services (ETS) study companions for (a) School Psychology, (b) Professional School Counselor, (c) Special Education: Core Knowledge, (d) Special Education: Core Knowledge Mild to Moderate Applications, and (e) Educational Leadership: Administration and Supervision to confirm that the content of this text, including its activities, will support students in acquiring knowledge of many of the topics covered by these exams.

22 Chapter 2 • Consultation Models and Professional Practices

To view a video of this type of negative and positive reinforcement, also known as coer- cive pain control (Rhode & Jensen, 2010) see https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=OxdtMVww2q0. Because student’s noncompliance or work avoidance is negatively reinforced when teachers remove their demands, Rhode and Jensen (2010) recommend that teachers use precision commands in which compliance is immediately reinforced, and the stu- dent receives a punishment after failing to comply with a request that has been repeated once. Punishment is the delivery of some aversive stimulus or removal of a desired stimulus in order to decrease a behavior (Alberto & Troutman, 2013). While punishment can be effective, it should never be humiliating or painful. Reinforcing positive and competing behaviors (i.e., work completion or compliance) is often both more productive and humane than punishing undesired behaviors.

In some cases, an action designed to be reinforcing, like delivering verbal praise, could be felt as a punishment (the student does not want any attention called to her). This case raises the question, “How does one know whether an adult or peer response to a targeted behavior is reinforcing or punishing?” The answer lies only in a careful study of the data. Is the targeted behavior decreasing as a function of the consequences it elicits? If so, then these consequences are probably best interpreted as aversive or punishing. Are behaviors increasing as a result of the responses that follow these behaviors? If so, then the consequences are probably positively reinforcing the behavior.

Activity 2.3

Watch the tutorial on how to conduct an antecedent, behavior, and consequence (ABC) analysis at https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=GxcIM8klHuY and complete the

ABC analysis found on the video clip for the target behavior: yelling in the classroom.

Activity 2.4

A teacher tells you that she is concerned about a student who is anxious. What else do you, as a behaviorally oriented consultant, want to know about the child? What are the behaviors

of anxiety? Which can be treated, the anxiety or the behaviors? How might a traditional behaviorist differ from a cognitively oriented behaviorist in his approach to this problem?

BAsic Beliefs undeRlying A BehAvioRAl APPRoAch to consultAtion The behavioral tradition focuses on behaviors that are either observable to the teacher or parent or reportable by the student; it contrasts with the medical-model approach, which focuses on pathology or sickness within the child. Hypothetical constructs and pseudo-explanatory con- cepts and labels, such as attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), conduct disorder, or others listed in the fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (American Psychiatric Association, 2013), are not regarded as constructive except for purposes of communication among professional staff members and parents. The behaviorist does not say that a student is out of her seat and running around the room because she has ADHD. Rather, the behaviorist is inclined to say that the student engages in an excessive amount of out-of-seat behavior (operationally defined and usually determined in relation to a norm for a given class- room or other setting) and will help to develop an intervention to change the behavior by changing either the antecedent (adjust difficulty of seatwork, move desk to quiet corner, etc.) and/or consequence events (provide short breaks contingent on work completion, implement a self-monitoring program with a highly desired reward for improved on-task behavior, etc.). To learn if the intervention has been successful, a behaviorist charts the occurrence and dura- tion of out-of-seat behavior or some other targeted behavior. The behaviorist’s goal is to reduce the frequency of symptoms because, as the behaviorist believes, the symptom is the disease (Ullmann & Krasner, 1965).

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AckNowledgmeNts

We would like to acknowledge Edwin Achola’s contributions to Chapter 8. As a co-author of this chapter, his insights and expertise on transition planning are essential to the final product. We would also like to thank the following reviewers of the fifth edition: John D. Hall, Arkansas State University, Cindy Topdemir, University of South Florida, Elena Zaretsky, University of Massachusetts, Boston.

 

 

Brief Contents

Chapter 1 Overview of School-Based Consultation 1

Chapter 2 Consultation Models and Professional Practices 19

Chapter 3 Problem-Solving Consultation in a Multi-Tiered System of Support 50

Chapter 4 Communication and Interpersonal Skills 83

Chapter 5 Legal and Ethical Issues in School Consultation 124

Chapter 6 Consulting About Students with Social, Emotional, and/or Behavioral Problems 137

Chapter 7 Consulting About Students with Academic Skill Problems 173

Chapter 8 Transition Planning 198

Chapter 9 Systems-Level Consultation: The Organization as the Target of Change 214

Chapter 10 Case Studies in Collaborative Consultation 236

Index 251

ix

 

 

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ConTEnTS

chapter 1 overview of school-BAsed coNsultAtioN 1 Learning Outcomes 1

Consultation and Collaboration: Definitions, Distinctions, and Characteristics 1

Collaborative Consultation as an Indirect Service 2

Defining Characteristics and Expectations of Collaborative Consultation 5

The Triadic Nature of Consultation 7

The Role of Process and Content Expertise in Consultation 7

Consultation at Different Levels of Problem Severity 8

Recent Changes in Education Affecting School Consultation 9

Common Core Standards 9

No Child Left Behind 10

Individuals with Disabilities Education Act 10

Response to Intervention/Multi-Tiered System of Services 13

The Present Status of Collaborative Consultation in Schools 14

Research on the Effectiveness of School Consultation 15 Summary    16    •    References    17

chapter 2 coNsultAtioN models ANd ProfessioNAl PrActices 19 Learning Outcomes 19

A Rationale for a Model 19

Two Theoretical Traditions 20

Behavioral Paradigm 20

Mental Health Paradigm 25

Functional Consultation Models 29

Conjoint Behavioral Consultation 29

Instructional Consultation 30

Ecobehavioral Consultation 31

Consultee-Centered Consultation 31

Consultation Configurations and Settings 32

Beginning Teacher Support Consultation 32

Professional Learning Communities 33

Collaborating with Paraprofessionals 34

Coteaching for Inclusion 34

Individualized Education Program Team 35

Student Study Teams 37

Roles, Skills, and Activities of School-Based Consultants 44 Summary    47    •    References    47

chapter 3 ProBlem-solviNg coNsultAtioN iN A multi-tiered system of suPPort 50 Learning Outcomes 50

xi

 

 

Steps to Follow in the Consultation Process 51

Establish Rapport 52

Problem Identification 52

Problem Analysis 54

Intervention Development and Implementation 56

Evaluate the Effectiveness of the Interventions and Recycle If Necessary 58

Multi-Tiered System of Support 58

Tier 1: Universal Prevention 59

Tier 2: Targeted Intervention 61

Tier 3: Intensive Interventions 68

Assessment 69

Planning or Modifying Interventions 72

Treatment Integrity 74

Treatment Acceptability 75

Performance Feedback 75

Assessing Treatment Integrity 77 Summary    79    •    References    80

chapter 4 commuNicAtioN ANd iNterPersoNAl skills 83 Learning Outcomes 83

Communication Skills 84

Attending 84

Active (Reflective) Listening 84

Reframing 85

Empathy 86

Keeping a Goal Orientation 86

Asking Questions 88

Potential Difficulties in Communication 90

Evaluating Your Communication Skills 91

Communication Technologies 92

Interpersonal Skills 93

Forging Positive Relationships 94

Conveying Competence and Confidence 94

Projecting the Idea That the Situation Is Going to Improve 95

Following through with Enthusiasm 95

Developing and Maintaining Trust 96

Treating Consultees as Adults 96

Power in the Consultative Relationship 96

Referent Power 97

Expert Power 97

Informational Power 98

The Dominance Debate 99

Resistance 100

Types of Resistance 101

Causes of Resistance 102

Overcoming Resistance 107

xii Contents

 

 

Gaining and Delivering Information 111

The Interview 111

Taking Notes and Keeping Track 113

Delivering Feedback 113

Consulting with Parents and Families 114

Resistance by Parent-Consultees 117

Consultation in Culturally and Linguistically Diverse Settings 117 Summary    121    •    References    121

Chapter 5 LegaL and ethiCaL issues in sChooL ConsuLtation 124 Learning Outcomes 124

The Purpose, Sources, and Importance of Ethical Practice 124

Principles of Ethical Behavior 125

Principle 1: Competence 125

Principle 2: Protecting the Welfare of Clients 125

Principle 3: Maintaining Confidentiality 126

Principle 4: Social and Moral Responsibility 127

Principle 5: Integrity in Professional Relationships 127

Codes of Ethics and Standards for Professional Practice 127

Legal Issues 128

Providing Legal Testimony 129

The Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act and the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act 129

A Problem-Solving Model for Dealing with Legal and Ethical Issues 130

An Example 130

Areas of Potential Ethical Conflict 133

Ethical Competencies, Confrontations, and Advocacy 134 Summary    135    •    Four Scenarios for Additional Practice in Ethical  Problem Solving    135    •    References    136

Chapter 6 ConsuLting about students with soCiaL, emotionaL, and/or behavioraL ProbLems 137 Learning Outcomes 137

Introduction to Social, Emotional, and Behavioral Problems 137

Behavior Problems: Reasons and Suggested Interventions 139

Family and Community 139

Classroom and Schools 141

Within-Child Reasons for Behavior Problems 143

Individuals with Disabilities Education Improvement Act 145

Autism Spectrum Disorder 146

Emotional Disturbance 148

Traumatic Brain Injury 149

Attention Deficit Disorder with Hyperactivity 149

Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders 149

IDEA versus the DSM-V 150

IDEA Mandates on Assessment, Intervention, and Discipline of Students with Behavior Problems 151

Contents xiii

 

 

Functional Behavioral Assessment and Analysis of Behavior 151

Functional Behavioral Assessment 151

Review of Records 153

Interviews 153

Rating Scales 157

Classroom Observations 158

Applied Behavior Analysis 159

Intervention Evaluation 161

Schoolwide Positive Behavior Support 162

Universal Behavioral Interventions 162

Targeted Behavioral Interventions 165

Intensive Behavior Interventions 168 Summary    169    •    References    169

Chapter 7 Consulting about students with aCademiC skill Problems 173 Learning Outcomes 173

Introduction 173

Universal Effective Instruction (Tier 1) 175

Qualities of Effective Instruction 175

Effective Instruction for English Language Learners 177

Effective Instruction for Culturally Diverse and Low Income Students 179

High-Poverty, High-Performing Schools and RtI/MTSS 180

High Expectations and Differentiated Instruction 180

Interventions to Improve Study Skills and Learning Strategies 181

Improving Motivation 182

Targeted Interventions for Academic Problems (Tier 2) 185

Intensive Interventions for Academic Problems (Tier 3) 187

Interventions for Intellectual Disabilities and Language Delays 187

Supporting Students with Health and Sensory Impairments 188

Interventions for Students with ADHD 189

Supporting Students with Mental Health and Behavioral Disturbances 190

Identification and Interventions for Students with Learning Disabilities 191

Data-Based Special Education Eligibility Assessment 192 Summary    195    •    References    195

Chapter 8 transition Planning 198 Learning Outcomes 198

Postsecondary Outcomes for Students with Disabilities 198

Legal Mandates 200

Transition Planning with Students and Families 202

Maximizing the Participation of Students and Families 202

The Transition Planning Process 204

Appropriate Transition Assessments 204

xiv Contents

 

 

Development of Present Levels of Academic Achievement and Functional Performance 205

Measurable Postsecondary and Annual Goals 205

Transition Services 206

Transition Outcomes 207

Collaborative Consultation with Stakeholders 208

Consultation with School Personnel 208

Consultation with Community Members 208

Collaborative Consultation Transition Planning in Action 209 Summary    211    •    References    211

chapter 9 systems-level coNsultAtioN: the orgANizAtioN As the tArget of chANge 214 Learning Outcomes 214

Why Systems-Level Consultation? 215

Macrosystemic Influences on School Innovation 215

Common Core State Standards 216

Statewide Technical Assistance 217

High-Poverty, High-Performing Schools 218

Value-Added Models of Evaluating Teacher Performance 220

Microsystemic Influences on School Innovation 221

School Characteristics 221

Leadership Characteristics 223

Who Initiates Systems Change, and Where Does It Come From? 224

Implementation Teams 224

Professional Development 225

Professional Development and Technology 226

Coaching and Mentoring 226

Data-Team Discussions 228

Professional Development to Promote and Sustain an MTSS 228

System-Change Phases: The MTSS Example 229

Determining a Need and Creating Readiness 229

Determining a Long-Term Vision and Desired Alternative Practices 230

Installation and Initial Implementation 232

Institutionalization 233

Ongoing Evolution 233 Summary    234    •    References    234

chapter 10 cAse studies iN collABorAtive coNsultAtioN 236 Learning Outcomes 236

Introduction to the Cases 236

Case One: Academic Difficulties for Maria 237 Case Two: System Change and Inclusion of Student (Don) with Autism Spectrum Disorder 242

References    249

Index 251

Contents xv

 

 

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1

Overview of School-Based Consultation

Chapter 1

You are the newly appointed resource specialist (or school psychologist or counselor) at Whittier School, a K–6 school in the Bellflower school district. Your job includes being a consultant to teachers, parents, and others about student learning and behavior/adjustment problems. Ms. Jones, an experienced third-grade teacher, stops you in the hallway one day in early October and says, “You’ve got to do something about Johnny B. He really needs a lot of help.” How would you proceed?

Ms. Nguyen, principal of Martin Luther King Jr. High School, wants you to explain your role as a consultant to the teachers. Consider what you may include in a 5-minute presentation at the next teacher staff meeting regarding the purpose of school-based consultation.

Learning Outcomes

1.1 Define the terms consultation and collaboration.

1.2 Summarize multiple characteristics of collaborative consultation.

1.3 Recognize the unique individual roles and interactions that the consultant, consultee, and student contribute to the collaborative consultation paradigm, as well as the fluidity of the consultant/ consultee roles in schools.

1.4 Explain the need for process expertise and content expertise in the role of an effective consultant.

1.5 Distinguish among primary, secondary, and tertiary levels of intervention.

1.6 Summarize the major historical trends in education as they pertain to school-based consultation.

1.7 Describe some of the major research issues related to consultation practices.

How you proceed is a function of many variables, such as your personal philosophy of pro- fessional practice; the expectations of your supervisors and coworkers; and factors such as caseload, established precedents, your reinforcement history, and your training. We believe that a consultation-based service delivery model is, for most referrals and most constituents (that is, teachers, parents, and other consultees), an appropriate and useful approach when used with other service requirements of your position as a special education teacher, school psychologist, or school counselor.

Consultation and Collaboration: definitions, distinCtions, and CharaCteristiCs

Researchers in the field of consultation have worked to refine the definitions of collaborative consultation from the perspectives of the public schools. The definition that best reflects the focus of this text is the following: Collaborative consultation is a process in which a trained, school-based consultant, working in an egalitarian, nonhierarchical relationship with a con- sultee or as a member of a team, assists that person or team in her or their efforts to make decisions and carry out plans that will be in the best educational interests of her or their stu- dents. All the concepts in this definition are found among the definitions listed in Figure 1.1.

 

 

2 Chapter 1 • Overview of School-Based Consultation

Collaborative Consultation as an indireCt serviCe

The initial purpose of the school-based consultation is to provide improved service to a third party, the student. Through the consultation process, however, the consultee’s competence should be enhanced. Thus, consultation is a form of capacity building (Ysseldyke et al., 2012). In schools, the consultee (typically a teacher) usually does most of the in-classroom or

The terms egalitarian and nonhierarchical are important to this definition because consultees, who are usually teachers or parents, are much more likely to engage in the consultation process when they believe they have at least as much input into the planning process as the consultant (Kelleher, Riley-Tillman, & Power, 2008). This is in contrast to an expert stance, in which the consultant develops an intervention plan based on a referral and the consultee is primarily, if not solely, responsible for carrying out the recommended interventions. We do not mean to suggest that consultants and consultees engaged in collaborative consultation lack expertise. Often the consultant is well versed in consultation strategies and is knowledgeable about assessments and interventions; the consultee is often well-informed about the needs and strengths of the student in question. Through collaboration, a better intervention is developed, implemented, and maintained than if either worked in isolation (i.e., collaboration produces synergism). In schools, the roles of the consultant and consultee are not static. A special education teacher or school psychologists could find him- or herself to be a consultant in one conversation and a consultee in the next. In some cases, such as when graduate students are training to become skilled consultants, the consultant may have little knowledge about academic and behavioral assessments and interventions, but by focusing the discussion on finding solutions and documenting outcomes, the consultee arrives at a better place from which to help his or her student.

Activity 1.1

Speak to several people outside your field of  professional interest and ask them what  images or expectations come to mind when they hear the word consultant. What percentage of people use the word expert?

How often do they mention the concept of  collaboration? Also, ask people in pub- lic  schools to define consultation. What is their image of what a consultant does, or should do?

Definitions/descriptions of consultation:

Consultation is a process that “involves professionals collaborating to use information to plan academic or behavioral treatments” (Ysseldyke, Lekwa, Klingbeil, & Cormier, 2012).

Consultation “provides a means for teachers to learn strategies to deal with presenting problems” (Coffee & Kratochwill, 2013, p. 2).

Consultation is a problem-solving process that can be initiated and terminated by either the consultant or consultee . . . for the purpose of assisting consultees to develop attitudes and skills that will enable them to  function more effectively with a client, which can be an individual, group, or organization (Brown, Pryzwansky, & Schulte, 2011, p. 1).

Consultation is “procedurally operationalized through a series of well-defined stages (including problem identification, problem analysis, plan development, plan evaluation), wherein consultees develop and implement coherent, coordinated intervention plans across home and school settings” (Sheridan, Swanger-Gagné, Welch, Kwon, & Garbacz, 2009, p. 477).

Definitions/descriptions of collaboration:

“Interpersonal collaboration is a style for direct interaction between at least two coequal parties voluntarily engaged in shared decision making as they work toward a common goal” (Friend & Cook, 2009).

Collaboration is “a reciprocal relationship and training based on using equally the group leaders’ and the teachers’ knowledge, strengths, and perspectives” (Webster-Stratton, Reinke, Herman, & Newcomer, 2011, p. 509).

fiGure 1.1 Definitions and descriptions of the terms consultation and collaboration

 

 

Chapter 1 • Overview of School-Based Consultation 3

Activity 1.2

Watch this video and discuss signs that synergism is occurring for Kevin.

on-the-playground implementation, and the parent, as consultee, does most of the at-home implementation. The consultant may be involved in teaching the consultee skills so he or she is able to implement the intervention, or the consultant may collect data on how well the interventions are working or data on whether the interventions were implemented, but ulti- mately the consultee is the primary interventionist. In other words, the consultant provides indirect support to students by enhancing the capacity of the consultee, who provides the direct support. Thus, consultation is generally considered an indirect service. Collaborative teaming, such as general education and special education teachers coteaching a class or a leadership team planning the implementation of schoolwide positive behavior support (SWPBS), will involve both direct and indirect services. Yet the same core characteristics of consultation—egalitarian, data-driven, problem-solving, capacity enhancing, and evidence- based—apply to effective teams.

Collaboration refers to a very specific kind of consultation, one characterized by a recipro- cal relationship that is nonhierarchical. Defined in this way, collaboration may seem very differ- ent from forms of consultation practiced in the business, medical, or military arenas; it is not necessary in collaborative consultation that any one person is the expert. This is true because collaborative consultation takes place between or among two or more people, with the role of expert shifting periodically among the participants. For example, a student study team (SST) meeting might involve the regular education teacher as an expert in curriculum and teaching method; the counselor as an expert in explaining how a student’s approach to tasks stems from family and cultural dynamics; the psychologist or special education teacher as an expert in sug- gesting a contingency reinforcement plan, a memory-enhancing system, or a teaching approach that the teacher might use to increase content retention; the student’s mother as an expert in reviewing how she assists and encourages the student with his academic work; and the student as an expert in his interests, learning strategies, and reinforcers. As these participants collaborate with one another in understanding a problem and designing a program, they are sharing their expertise, with each party contributing a varying amount depending on the nature of the referral. A main goal of collaboration is to establish synergism in which working as a group leads to better student outcomes than if each collaborator worked in isolation.

The philosophy of seeking synergism also extends to plan implementation. Although the primary person carrying out the plan is usually either the general or special education classroom teacher, the other team members contribute their expertise in ways appropriate to their training and experience. In the SST case just described, plan implementation might involve the counse- lor working with the parents on ways to improve homework completion, the psychologist assist- ing the teacher in implementing a token economy to improve classwide compliance, the special education teacher providing a targeted reading intervention, and the student self-monitoring and helping the consultee fine-tune the classroom reinforcement system. This example demon- strates how expertise and mutual assistance are the two major components of a collaborative consultation model.

A third major component of collaborative consultation is problem solving. Consultants are employed for the express purpose of solving the learning and behavior problems exhibited by schoolchildren. Generically, problem solving refers to a structured set of steps or procedures intended to assist the consultee in addressing a student academic or behavioral problem. The problem-solving steps may also be applied to identifying and implementing school improve- ment (see Chapter 8). The problem-solving process may take many forms or styles, depending on the nature of the problem, the philosophical beliefs of both consultant and consultee, the constraints or limitations of the setting, the availability of specific kinds of help, and so on. The steps in problem solving are discussed in detail in Chapter 3.

Figure 1.2 showcases the personal view of the first author (Kampwirth) regarding the collaborative consultation method.

 

 

4 Chapter 1 • Overview of School-Based Consultation

fiGure 1.2 Collaborative consultation: Rationale, limitations, and suggestions from the first author

In my way of conducting collaborative consultation, I give a lot of emphasis to the possibility that con- sultees can, and should, be strongly encouraged to think through their own ideas about how to solve the referral problems. This may not seem feasible. After all, if the consultee knew a solution to his referral question, why wouldn’t he just implement it and save time and energy? Also, if the consultee’s referral has been sent to you for your assistance, doesn’t he have a right to expect that you will have, and impart to him, expert knowledge?

My experience has taught me that consultees, both teachers and parents, when faced with relatively difficult problems in learning and/or behavior, sometimes get confused, or stuck, in their thinking. They probably have tried some solutions, and when these haven’t worked, they’ve experienced some level of doubt regarding their usually dependable problem-solving strategies, and they feel as though they don’t know what to do next. Or they have an idea but they just aren’t sure about it, and they would like to discuss their idea with someone else. This someone else becomes their consultant. It is hoped that this person acknowledges the consultee’s experience and expertise by doing at least these two things:

1. Ask the consultee to review what she has done to improve the situation so far, and how these efforts have worked.

2. Encourage the consultee to tell the consultant what she (the consultee) wants to do next. Use questions such as “Given what you’ve told me, and in light of your understanding of the problem at this time, what would you like to try next?” “You’ve tried a number of things so far. What are you thinking of doing tomorrow?” “So far you’ve felt like what you’ve tried just hasn’t been the best solution. What’s next? What do you want to try now?”

I refer to this effort at intervention development by consultees as the ACCEPT method, ACCEPT being an acro- nym that acknowledges the consultant’s philosophy about the consultee’s contributions and that stands for the following behaviors, which, to me, are at the heart of collaborative consultation:

A Acknowledging the consultee’s predominant role in carrying out the planned interventions, usually in his classroom (or home), in the context of that setting, and in his style.

C Commenting positively on the efforts the consultee has made to date in trying to solve the problem, and the effort he is expending now on behalf of the student.

C Convincing the consultee that he has good ideas to offer, and that you, the consultant, would like to hear them.

E Expecting that the consultee will take the lead in the development of ideas if encouraged to do so, and expecting that the consultee will give equal weight to the consultant’s ideas.

P Pointing out possibilities for effective interventions based on the consultee’s ideas. This involves taking his ideas and helping him think through their pros and cons and the details of implementation. In this way, you provide your content expertise in the context of his ideas. When collaborative consultation is working well, the consultant’s role is that of facilitator of the consultee’s ideas.

T Treating the consultee as an equal. One of the hallmarks of a collaborative model is that it brings adults together in an atmosphere of mutual respect. Both are equally expert, both need help from the other, and both give ideas and contribute to the final solutions.

LIMITS TO A COLLABORATIVE CONSULTATION MODEL

This model does not always work as planned. Some consultees seem bereft of ideas, or they appear to be too irritated by the problem to be able to think clearly. Some get in a punishment mode, particularly in regard to serious behavior problems, and they are not able to think positively. Some think only of ways of reacting to a referred student rather than more systemically. Some always prefer to think that someone else (e.g.,  special education, or a more restrictive setting) should take over the student and solve his problem that way. Others are simply deferential to the consultant; they cannot get over the consultant-as-expert idea. They assume it’s easier to get you to solve the problem, to determine the interventions and their implementa- tion. That way, if it doesn’t work, guess who’s to blame? Last, some are too inexperienced, or at least act that way, and they simply need more direct help.

SUGGESTIONS

Collaborative consultation sometimes seems to break down because the ideas from the consultee are inappro- priate in some way. Some teachers and parents have only a limited number of ideas for intervention. When you sense that this is true, the collaboratively oriented consultant most certainly can suggest interventions. My opinion is that it is best to come up with two or three viable interventions, based on best practice, and to ask the consultee

 

 

Chapter 1 • Overview of School-Based Consultation 5

defininG CharaCteristiCs and expeCtations of Collaborative Consultation

The following are expectations about the nature and characteristics of collaborative consultation:

1. The consultant is a trained professional. Consultants can be working in various profes- sions and can include special education teachers, general education teachers, mentor teachers, school counselors, school psychologists, administrators, and nonschool personnel. In addition to their own area of expertise, a consultant is able to engage in a problem-solving process.

2. Establishing a relationship based on mutual respect and trust is essential for successful consultation.

3. The nature of the referral problem directs the problem-solving processes. Chapter 2 lists consultants’ roles and activities; it is common for practitioners to shift among them.

4. The consultant and the consultee both must make a valid effort to engage in the problem-solving process if consultation is to occur. The ultimate power in the consultation process rests with the consultee because she or he is primarily responsible for carrying out the jointly agreed-on interventions. The consultant’s contribution is to provide an objective analy- sis of the referral problem and information useful in intervention design, monitoring, and evaluation. The consultant may use interpersonal strategies to improve the likelihood that the consultee will implement agreed-on interventions.

5. The purpose and the process of consultation interact and must be considered simultane- ously. This is especially true in a collaborative consultation approach in which nonhierarchical, egalitarian positions are occupied by both the consultee and the consultant, who are both involved in idea generation within a problem-solving context.

what she or he thinks of each intervention. Which of the ideas is the consultee attracted to? Which does the consultee seem able and willing to do? The interventions you suggest should meet at least the following criteria:

1. Treatment acceptability: If the consultee doesn’t accept an intervention as something she is willing to do, you either have to be a good salesperson and convince her of its merits through the use of social influence (Erchul & Martens, 2002), or try to modify it. The teacher may agree to try the intervention (possibly under duress), give it a half-hearted try, claim it didn’t work (it probably didn’t), and require you to think of another idea. You never know what interventions meet the criteria of treatment acceptability until you suggest them. What you do know is that, if the intervention is not acceptable to the person who is to implement it, it is not likely that it will ever be implemented as intended.

2. Treatment validity: Is there research support for the idea? Best practices are those that have at least some degree of support, either from the literature or from your own experience or knowledge base.

3. Treatment ethics: The concern here is about the appropriateness of an intervention from the standpoint of the students’ best interests; their dignity as people; probable benefits versus risks; and an orientation toward replacement of, rather than suppression of, challenging behaviors.

4. Treatment integrity (fidelity): Was the treatment implemented correctly? This, of course, won’t be known until the treatment is tried.

5. Treatment effectiveness: Is the treatment working? By what standards? Does it need to be changed? Again, these answers aren’t known until the treatment has been tried for a sufficient amount of time to determine its effectiveness.

It is also important to stick to the referral and not to wander off in other directions. It may be tempting to think that a given consultee needs help in many areas of which he may not be aware. Except in serious cases (abusive behavior toward students; chaotic, dangerous classroom management practices; personal problems that are affecting the classroom), it is best to establish well-defined goals relative to the referral problem, work toward solving them, and let other issues emerge as the consultee feels the necessity of dealing with them. Remember that change is difficult; overwhelming a consultee with your ideas about how to make the classroom or home perfect may be regarded as intrusive and perhaps overwhelming. No one wants assistance from an intrusive person who wants to tell other people what to do. Do a good job helping the consultee with his current concerns and he will get back to you later about other issues, or you can bring them up later.

Last, but nonetheless important, consider the role of family and culture. Interventions that are selected need to be sensitive to the student’s cultural and family background.

fiGure 1.2 (Continued)

 

 

6 Chapter 1 • Overview of School-Based Consultation

6. Systemic variables impinge on the consultant, consultee, and student and must be con- sidered as integral parts of the process. School consultants and consultees always operate within a larger set of conditions, including not only legal and ethical mandates but also societal expecta- tions, cultural norms, district and school-level guidelines, and family concerns. The interventions discussed, particularly at group meetings (such as SST, etc.), need to gain at least tacit approval from all constituents.

7. Consultation is governed by certain ethical guidelines that influence consultant roles as well as the process of consultation. Chapter 5 discusses ethical and advocacy issues in consulta- tion. Practical examples demonstrating the influence of these factors appear in the case studies in Chapter 9.

8. There is an emphasis on record review, observation, and interview as assessment meth- ods (rather than published norm-referenced tests of cognition, processing, and achievement).

9. Collaborative consultation seeks solutions, not labels. The goal is to identify the level of support a student needs within the least restrictive environment. While some students may need special education and related services in specialized settings to be successful, most students who manifest learning and/or behavior problems can be successful in general education with targeted interventions and ongoing consultation support. Whenever possible, it is best to solve problems in the context in which they occur.

10. School consultants must be experts in process (the “how” of consultation; see Chapter 3) but not necessarily in all possible content. For example, a newly minted school counselor with little classroom experience may still be able to assist an experienced teacher with a concern about a student. The school counselor can share her classroom observations, point out patterns in the student’s record, and engage the teacher in the problem-solving steps (described in Chapter 3); the end result should be better than if the teacher had tried to address the problem on his own. The consultant’s job is to facilitate the thinking of these primary-care providers (i.e., parents and teachers serving as consultees) so these individuals can feel empowered to carry out their ideas about how to best assist the student under the guidance and encouragement of the consultant.

11. Occasionally consultees may bring information into the discussion that is more closely related to their personal lives and problems than to the learning or behavior problems of the referred student. The consultant has to be careful not to confuse the consultative relationship by taking on the role of a counselor to the consultee. Decisions about the relevance of any particular piece of information are not always easy to make, but it is usually best to steer the conversation gently back to the appropriate work-related problem. Of course, if the consultant perceives that the consultee does have a personal problem that should be dealt with, whether it is affecting the referral problem or not, she may refer the consultee to a resource where he can get whatever help is needed. Because it is possible for a consultee to have personal issues that interfere with his ability to view the referral problem objectively, the consultant may need to mention any concerns she has to the consultee in a helpful and positive way (Caplan & Caplan, 1993).

12. The goal of collaborative consultation is to improve the functioning of the student while enhancing the capacity of the consultee. In fact, building capacity so that other children may benefit from better teaching, classroom management, and/or parenting is what makes consulta- tion efficient as well as effective.

Activity 1.3

In small groups, discuss the expectations about the nature and characteristics of collab- orative consultation presented above. Are

these essential characteristics and goals? What others might be added?

Formal consultation, in which a clearly defined consultee approaches an identified consult- ant for assistance in a specified space over a specified amount of time, is the exception rather than the rule. Consultations on the fly or via e-mail may be more common. Jacob, Decker, and Hartshorne, (2011, p. 191) wrote, “the role definition, the process of goal setting during consul- tation, the responsibilities of the consultant and consultee, and the parameters of confidentiality” should be discussed prior to offering consultation services. In our experience, however, school- based consultation is generally more informal, although it is a good idea to review the above

 

 

Chapter 1 • Overview of School-Based Consultation 7

Required Interaction

Possibly N o Interaction

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fiGure 1.3 The triadic nature of consultation

expectations with school staff members on an annual basis. The more serious the referral con- cern, the more formal the consultation may become. Student study team (SST), individualized education program (IEP), or transition planning or implementation team meetings are examples of where more formal consultations are likely to occur. It is important for these teams to take time periodically to examine the extent to which they are adhering to the above expectations and problem-solving processes. Busy school personnel are keen to work on and, ideally, solve stu- dent challenges, yet the importance of examining how well the consultation processes is working to determine if it could be more effective cannot be underestimated.

the triadiC nature of Consultation

The most common form of consultation in schools consists of interactions among a consultant, the consultee(s), and a student. As Figure 1.3 shows, the consultant and the consultee interact freely in a nonhierarchical, reciprocal relationship. Because the consultant may or may not have any direct interaction with the student, consultation is usually considered an indirect service. However, school-based consultants typically, at a minimum, observe the student in the classroom or other setting (playground, lunchroom, etc.). Often the consultant offers some type or degree of direct service to the student, such as modeling an instructional technique or collecting interven- tion fidelity and/or effectiveness data.

the role of proCess and Content expertise in Consultation

People generally relate the concept or practice of consultation to activities carried out by skilled businesspeople, engineers, and medical professionals, and the public tends to think of consultation in terms of expertness. In the business world, a consultant may be hired to solve a particularly tricky problem in production, merchandising, or taxation. The hiring firm expects that the consultant will have expertise in the area and will propose a solution that has a good chance of working well. For this level of expert consultation, business executives expect to pay well.

One might expect that successful consultants working in the schools with teachers and parents should also adopt a stance of expertise. We take the position that expertness should be expected in the area of process and that it is highly desirable but not sufficient in the area of content. By process, we mean the interactions that occur between the consultant and the consult- ees through which a behavior or a learning problem is approached and solved; it is concerned with how one acts as a consultant. Content refers to the actual ideas that the consultees will implement, such as a behavioral contract, cooperative learning, phonemic awareness instruction, or a token economy; it represents what people will do as a result of consultation. Collaborative

 

 

8 Chapter 1 • Overview of School-Based Consultation

consultation requires expertise in process; without such expertise, the process disintegrates, resistance increases, and consultees become dissatisfied with the consultative approach for deal- ing with their needs and the needs of their students. Consultants’ ability to engage consultees in a productive process may be determined by their interpersonal skills as well as their knowledge of consultation processes. The content consultants are expected to provide includes knowledge of empirically supported intervention. However, the consultee determines what is practical to apply given the context of the referral (Kelleher et al., 2008). As indicated by the definitions, the collaborative approach depends on a degree of mutual expertise in problem solving, resulting in content decisions that are jointly generated and approved by both the consultant and the consultee(s) within a nonhierarchical, reciprocal relationship (Friend & Cook, 2009).

Activity 1.4

Discuss the role of process versus content. Do you think a school consultant needs to have a set of interventions for every problem or issue

a teacher or parent can describe? How might you deal with a consultee who insists on your having answers for every problem?

Consultation at different levels of problem severity

Caplan (1964) described three levels of intervention: primary, secondary, and tertiary. These three levels are also referred to as universal, selective, and indicated (Frank & Kratochwill, 2009); as core, targeted, and intensive (National Association of State Directors of Special Education, 2005); and as Tier 1, Tier 2, and Tier 3 (Sugai & Horner, 2009). A multi-tiered system of support (MTSS) typically incorporates the three levels of interventions, including explicit data-based decision rules for when students need to progress from one level of support to another (Sugai & Horner, 2009). Common MTSSs include response to intervention (RtI) for addressing academic skill deficits and schoolwide positive behavior support (SWPBS) or posi- tive behavioral interventions and supports (PBIS) for addressing behavioral concerns. RtI and SWPBS/PBIS are complementary systems that are implemented, ideally, in concert with each other because behavioral problems often affect achievement, and achievement problems lead to behavioral problems for many students. MTSS is described at length in Chapter 3; however, a quick review of the types of consultation and interventions that may occur at each of the three levels is provided here.

Tier 1, or universal prevention, involves taking action to ensure that students are unlikely to develop learning or behavioral difficulties. Sufficiently sequenced curriculum, effective teaching methods, and explicit classroom rules are all part of universal prevention. Examples of interventions at this level include Success for All (Slavin, Madden, Dolan, & Wasik, 1996), Peer-Assisted Learning (U.S. Department of Education, 2013), and Safe and Civil Schools (Sprick, 2009). Professional learning communities (PLCs) are popular for consulting with teachers on improving their classroom management or teaching methods, grade-level teaming is common for improving universal services at a grade level, and implementation teams are helpful for improving schoolwide functioning. These different types of teams are discussed in greater detail in Chapter 8. Individual consultants may also attempt to improve the general education instruction through coaching or problem-solving consultation. It is not uncommon for a consult- ant who is following up on a student referral to discover that the problem lies not with an indi- vidual student but with the teacher’s poor teaching (i.e., a problem with Tier 1).

Tier 2 or targeted interventions involves actions taken when a student appears to be having difficulties adapting to behavioral or academic expectations. Small homogeneous groupings, parent conferences, in-class modifications, social skills training, and other mild forms of inter- vention are common during this stage. Targeted interventions should involve some type of sup- plemental instruction to teach directly and provide additional practice on the skills the student failed to develop in the primary/universal stage (Gersten et al., 2008). Often the consultation at Tier 2 takes place at a formal SST meeting.

The referral problems are more serious at the Tier 3 or intensive level; major steps need to be taken (e.g., one-on-one or very small group, targeted instruction; reading recovery; special education services; alternative education). Those concerned with the student’s welfare need to

 

 

Chapter 1 • Overview of School-Based Consultation 9

consult with each other and develop plans collaboratively that are in the best educational interest of the student. Typically this collaboration occurs with a schoolwide team, such as the section 504 team or an IEP team, which develops individualized, daily, and closely monitored interven- tions. Wraparound services (Eber, Nelson, & Miles, 1997) that involve out-of-school agencies such as community mental health, respite services, and social services are also examples of col- laborative efforts at the tertiary level.

In a school setting, most referrals for consultant assistance are for either Tier 2 or Tier 3 interventions, which is unfortunate. More emphasis on preventive programs, especially for stu- dents who are at risk, has been recommended for decades (Meyers & Nastasi, 1999). However, pressures to deal with current severe problems, combined with inadequate staffing ratios, have slowed the impetus to a prevention-oriented service delivery approach. Bergan (1995) observed that this may be true partly because no specific funding exists for universal prevention services, while funds do exist for placing and supporting students in special education services. Although the 2004 reauthorization of special education law now allows a portion of federal funds for spe- cial education to be used for universal prevention purposes, there is no mandate to do so.

Once plans for any of the three levels have been developed and are being implemented, the role of the collaborative consultant becomes largely one of monitor and evaluator. The teacher or parent consultee will need some assistance in implementing the intervention with integrity and collecting progress monitoring data. Ongoing evaluations of the fidelity and effectiveness of the interventions are necessary to ensure that the desired outcomes are attained.

 

 
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Intelligence Theory Pptf homework help

Intelligence Theory Pptf homework help

Gateway THEME Measuring intelligence is worthwhile, but tests provide limited definitions of intelligent behavior.

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Unlike other species, humans owe their success more to thinking abilities and intelligence than to physical strength or speed. That’s why our species is called Homo sapiens (from the Latin for man and wise). Our intelligence makes us highly adaptable creatures. We live in deserts, jungles, mountains, frenzied cities, placid retreats, and space stations.

Consider Stephen Hawking. He can’t walk or talk. When he was 13, Lou Gehrig’s disease began to slowly destroy nerve cells in his spinal cord, short-circuiting messages between his brain and muscles. Today, he is confined to a wheelchair and “speaks” by manually controlling a speech syn- thesizer. Yet, despite his severe disabilities, his brain is unaffected by the disease and remains fiercely active. He can still think. Stephen is a theoretical physicist and one of the best-known sci- entific minds of modern times. With courage and determination, he has used his intellect to advance our understanding of the universe.

What do we mean when we say that a person like Stephen Hawking is “smart” or “intelligent”? Can intelligence be measured? Can intelligence tests predict life success? What are the conse- quences of having extremely high or low intelligence? These questions and others concerning intelligence have fascinated psychologists for more than 100 years. Let’s see what has been learned and what issues are still debated.

Gateway QUESTIONS 9.1 How do psychologists define intelligence? 9.2 What are typical IQ tests like? 9.3 How do IQ scores relate to sex, age, and

occupation? 9.4 What does IQ tell us about genius?

9.5 What causes intellectual disability? 9.6 How do heredity and environment affect

intelligence? 9.7 Are there alternate views of intelligence? 9.8 Is there a downside to intelligence testing?

303

Intelligence

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Chapter 9304

Defining Intelligence— Intelligence Is … You Know, It’s …

Gateway Question 9.1: How do psychologists define intelligence? Like many important concepts in psychology, intelligence cannot be observed directly. Nevertheless, we feel certain it exists. Let’s compare two children:

When she was 14 months old, Anne wrote her own name. She taught her- self to read at age 2. At age 5, she astounded her kindergarten teacher by bringing an iPad to class—on which she was reading an encyclopedia. At 10, she breezed through an entire high school algebra course in 12 hours.

Billy, who is 10 years old, can write his name and can count, but he has trouble with simple addition and subtraction problems and finds multipli- cation impossible. He has been held back in school twice and is still incapa- ble of doing the work his 8-year-old classmates find easy.

Anne is considered a genius; Billy, a slow learner. There seems little doubt that they differ in intelligence.

Wait! Anne’s ability is obvious, but how do we know that Billy isn’t just lazy? That’s the same question that Alfred Binet faced in 1904 (Benjafield, 2010; Jarvin & Sternberg, 2003). The French minister of education wanted to find a way to distinguish slower students from the more capable (or the capable but lazy). In a flash of bril- liance, Binet and an associate created a test made up of “intellec- tual” questions and problems. Next, they learned which questions an average child could answer at each age. By giving children the test, they could tell whether a child was performing up to his or her potential (Kaplan & Saccuzzo, 2009; Kaufman, 2000).

Binet’s approach gave rise to modern intelligence tests. At the same time, it launched an ongoing debate. Part of the debate is related to the basic difficulty of defining intelligence (Sternberg, Grigorenko, & Kidd, 2005).

Defining Intelligence Isn’t there an accepted definition of intelligence? Traditionally, yes. Intelligence is the global capacity to act purposefully, to think rationally, and to deal effectively with the environment (Wechsler, 1939). The core of intelligence is usually thought to consist of a small set of general mental abilities (called the g-factor) in the areas of reasoning, problem solving, knowledge, memory, and successful adaptation to one’s surroundings (Barber, 2010; Sternberg, 2004).

Intelligence has traditionally been considered a cognitive, not an emotional, capacity. Is there such a thing as emotional intelligence? To find out, see Chapter 10, pages 363–364.

BRIDGES

Beyond this, however, there is much disagreement. In fact, many psychologists simply accept an operational definition of intelligence by spelling out the procedures they use to measure it (Neukrug & Fawcett, 2010). Thus, by selecting items for an intel- ligence test, a psychologist is saying in a very direct way, “This is

what I mean by intelligence.” A test that measures memory, reason- ing, and verbal fluency offers a very different definition of intelli- gence than one that measures strength of grip, shoe size, length of the nose, or the person’s best Guitar Hero score (Goldstein, 2011).

Aptitudes As a child, Hedda displayed an aptitude for art. Today, Hedda is a successful graphic artist. How does an aptitude like Hedda’s differ from general intelligence? An aptitude is a capacity for learning certain abilities. Persons with mechanical, artistic, or musical apti- tudes are likely to do well in careers involving mechanics, art, or music, respectively (• Figure 9.1).

Are there tests for aptitudes? How are they different from intelli- gence tests? Aptitude tests measure a narrower range of abilities than do intelligence tests (Kaplan & Saccuzzo, 2009). For example, special aptitude tests predict whether you will succeed in a single

RANGE OF ABILITIES

Multiple aptitude tests

Special aptitude tests

Intelligence tests

Modern intelligence tests are widely used to measure cognitive abilities. When properly administered, such tests provide an operational definition of intelligence.

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• Figure 9.1 Special aptitude tests measure a person’s potential for achieve- ment in a limited area of ability, such as manual dexterity. Multiple aptitude tests measure potentials in broader areas, such as college work, law, or medicine. Intelli- gence tests measure a very wide array of aptitudes and mental abilities.

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(Intelligence Theory Pptf homework help)

Intelligence 305

Intelligence An overall capacity to think rationally, act purposefully, and deal effectively with the environment.

g-factor A general ability factor proposed to underly intelligence; the core of general intellectual ability that involves reasoning, problem-solving ability, knowledge, and memory.

Operational definition The operations (actions or procedures) used to measure a concept.

Aptitude A capacity for learning certain abilities. Special aptitude test Test to predict a person’s likelihood of succeeding in

a particular area of work or skill. Multiple aptitude test Test that measures two or more aptitudes. General intelligence test A test that measures a wide variety of mental

abilities. Psychometric test Any scientific measurement of a person’s mental

functions. Reliability The ability of a test to yield the same score, or nearly the same

score, each time it is given to the same person. Validity The ability of a test to measure what it purports to measure. Objective test A test that gives the same score when different people

correct it. Test standardization Establishing standards for administering a test and

interpreting scores. Norm An average score for a designated group of people.

area, such as clerical work or computer programming (• Figure 9.2). Multiple aptitude tests measure two or more types of ability. These tests tend to be more like intelligence tests. The well-known SAT Reasoning Test (SAT), which measures aptitudes for language, math, and reasoning, is a multiple aptitude test. So are the tests required to enter graduate schools of law, medicine, business, and dentistry. The broadest aptitude measures are general intelligence tests, which assess a wide variety of mental abilities (Cohen & Swerdlik, 2005).

Psychologists use a variety of aptitude tests to select people for employment and to advise people about choosing careers. For more information, see Chapter 18, pages 608–611.

BRIDGES

Reliability and Validity Whether it is an intelligence test or aptitude test or, for that matter, any other kind of psychometric test—any measurement of a per- son’s mental functions—there will always be two questions you should ask about the test: “Is it reliable?” and “Is it valid? ”

To what does reliability refer? If you weigh yourself several times in a row, a reliable bathroom scale gives the same weight each time. Likewise, a reliable psychometric test must give approximately the same score each time a person takes it (Kaplan & Saccuzzo, 2009). In other words, the scores should be consistent and highly corre- lated. It is easy to see why unreliable tests have little value. Imagine a medical test for pregnancy or breast cancer, for instance, which gives positive and negative responses for the same woman on the same day.

To check the reliability of a test, we could give it to a large group of people. Then, each person could be tested again a week later to establish test-retest reliability. We also might want to know whether scores on one half of the test items match scores on the other half (split-half reliability). If two versions of a test are avail-

able, we could compare scores on one version to scores on the other (equivalent-forms reliability).

Just because a psychometric test is reliable, however, does not mean that it should be trusted; test validity is also important. To see why this is the case, try creating an IQ test with ten questions only you could possibly answer. Your test would be very reliable. Each time you give the test, everyone scores zero, except you, who scores 100  percent (so you thereby proclaim yourself the only human with any intelligence). Even though we all have days when it seems we are the only smart person left on the planet, it should be obvious this is a silly example. A test must also have validity; it should measure what it claims to measure (Neukrug & Fawcett, 2010). By no stretch of the imagination could a test of intelligence be valid if the person who wrote it is the only one who can pass it.

How is validity established? Validity is usually demonstrated by comparing test scores to actual performance. This is called criterion validity. For example, scores on a test of legal aptitude might be com- pared with grades in law school. If high test scores correlate with high grades, or some other standard (criterion) of success, the test might be valid. Unfortunately, many “free” tests you encounter, such as those found in magazines and on the Internet, have little or no validity.

Objective Testing Let’s return to your “I’m the Smartest Person in the World IQ Test” for a final point. Is your test objective? Actually, it might be. If your IQ test gives the same score when corrected by different people, it is an objective test. However, objectivity is not enough to guaran- tee a fair test. Useful tests must also be standardized (Neukrug & Fawcett, 2010).

Test standardization refers to two things. First, it means that standard procedures are used in giving the test. The instructions, answer forms, amount of time to work, and so forth, are the same for everyone. Second, it means finding the norm, or average score,

1. If the driver turns in the direction shown, which direction will wheel Y turn? A B

2. Which wheel will turn the slowest? Driver X Y

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• Figure 9.2 Sample questions like those found on tests of mechanical apti- tude. (The answers are A and the Driver.)

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Chapter 9306

made by a large group of people like those for whom the test was designed. Without standardization, we couldn’t fairly compare the scores of people taking the test at different times. And without norms, there would be no way to tell whether a score is high, low, or average.

Later in this chapter, we will address the question of whether intelligence tests are valid. For now, let’s take a practical approach and learn about some popular standardized IQ tests.

Testing Intelligence—The IQ and You

Gateway Question 9.2: What are typical IQ tests like? American psychologists quickly saw the value of Alfred Binet’s test. In 1916, Lewis Terman and others at Stanford University revised it for use in North America. After more revisions, the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales, Fifth Edition (SB5) continue to be widely used. The original Stanford-Binet assumed that a child’s intellectual abilities improve with each passing year. Today, the Stanford-Binet (or SB5) is still primarily made up of age-ranked questions. Naturally, these questions get a little harder at each age level. The SB5 is appropriate for people from age 2 to 85� years and scores on the test are very reliable (Raid & Tippin, 2009; Roid, 2003).

Five Aspects of Intelligence The SB5 measures five cognitive factors (types of mental abilities) that make up general intelligence. These are fluid reasoning, knowl- edge, quantitative reasoning, visual-spatial processing, and working memory. Each factor is measured with verbal questions (those involving words and numbers), and nonverbal questions (items that use pictures and objects). Let’s see what each factor looks like.

Fluid Reasoning Questions like the following are used to test Fluid Reasoning:

How are an apple, a plum, and a banana different from a beet? An apprentice is to a master as a novice is to an ____________. “I knew my bag was going to be in the last place I looked, so I

looked there first.” What is silly or impossible about that?

Other items ask people to fill in the missing shape in a group of shapes, and to tell a story that explains what’s going on in a series of pictures.

Knowledge The Knowledge factor assesses the person’s knowledge about a wide range of topics.

Why is yeast added to bread dough? What does cryptic mean? What is silly or impossible about this picture? (For example, a

bicycle has square wheels.)

Quantitative Reasoning Test items for Quantitative Reasoning measure a person’s ability to solve problems involving numbers. Here are some samples:

If I have six marbles and you give me another one, how many marbles will I have?

Given the numbers 3, 6, 9, 12, what number would come next? If a shirt is being sold for 50 percent of the normal price, and

the price tag is $60, what is the cost of the shirt?

Visual-Spatial Processing People who have visual-spatial skills are good at putting picture puzzles together and copying geometric shapes (such as triangles, rectangles, and circles). Visual-Spatial Processing questions ask test takers to reproduce patterns of blocks and choose pictures that show how a piece of paper would look if it were folded or cut. Verbal questions can also require visual-spatial abilities:

Suppose that you are going east, then turn right, then turn right again, then turn left. In what direction are you facing now?

Working Memory The Working Memory part of the SB5 measures the ability to use short-term memory. Some typical memory tasks include the following:

Correctly remember the order of colored beads on a stick. After hearing several sentences, name the last word from each

sentence. Repeat a series of digits (forward or backward) after hearing

them once. After seeing several objects, point to them in the same order as

they were presented.

If you were to take the SB5, it would yield a score for your general intelligence, verbal intelligence, nonverbal intelligence, and each of the five cognitive factors (Bain & Allin, 2005). For another per- spective on the kinds of tasks used in the SB5, see “Intelligence— How Would a Fool Do It?”

The Wechsler Tests Is the Stanford-Binet the only intelligence test? Many other IQ tests have been developed. Psychologist David Wechsler (1939) designed one widely used alternative. Whereas the original Stanford-Binet was better suited for children and adolescents, the first Wechsler test was specifically designed to test adult intelligence. The current version is the Wechsler Adult Intelli- gence Scale—Fourth Edition (WAIS-IV). With newer versions of the Stanford-Binet and a children’s version of the Wechsler scales (currently the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children— Fourth Edition or WISC-IV; see Baron, 2005), both alternatives are now widely used across all ages.

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(Intelligence Theory Pptf homework help)

Intelligence 307

Performance intelligence Intelligence measured by solving puzzles, assembling objects, completing pictures, and other nonverbal tasks.

Verbal intelligence Intelligence measured by answering questions involving vocabulary, general information, arithmetic, and other language- or symbol-oriented tasks.

Individual intelligence test A test of intelligence designed to be given to a single individual by a trained specialist.

Group intelligence test Any intelligence test that can be administered to a group of people with minimal supervision.

Like the Stanford-Binet, the Wechsler tests yield a single overall intelligence score. In addition, these tests also separate scores for performance (nonverbal) intelligence and verbal (language- or symbol-oriented) intelligence. The abilities measured by the Wechsler tests and some sample test items are listed in ■ Table 9.1.

Group Tests The SB5 and the Wechsler tests are individual intelligence tests, which are given to a single person by a trained specialist. In con- trast, group intelligence tests can be given to a large group of people with minimal supervision. Group tests usually require people to read, to follow instructions, and to solve problems of logic, reasoning, mathematics, or spatial skills. The first group intelligence test was the Army Alpha, developed for World War I military inductees. As you can see in ■ Table 9.2, intelligence test- ing has come a long way since then.

Scholastic Aptitude Tests If you’re wondering if you have ever taken an intelligence test, the answer is probably yes. As mentioned earlier, the SAT Reasoning Test is a multiple aptitude test. So are the American College Test (ACT) and the College Qualification Test (CQT). Each of these group tests is designed to predict your chances for success in col-

Adapted from Wechsler, D. (2008). Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale, Fourth Edition (WAIS-IV). San Antonio, TX: Pearson.

Sample Items Similar to Those Used on the WAIS-IV

Verbal Comprehension Sample Items or Descriptions

Similarities In what way are a wolf and a coyote alike?

In what way are a screwdriver and a chisel alike?

Vocabulary The test consists of asking, “What is a ____________?” or “What does ____________ mean?” The words range from more to less familiar and difficult.

Information How many wings does a butterfly have?

Who wrote Romeo and Juliet?

Perceptual Reasoning

Block Design Copy designs with blocks (as shown at right).

Matrix Reasoning Select the item that completes the matrix.

Visual Puzzles Choose the pieces which go together to form a figure.

Working Memory

Digit Span Repeat from memory a series of digits, such as 8 5 7 0 1 3 6 2, after hearing it once.

Arithmetic Four girls divided 28 jellybeans equally among themselves. How many jellybeans did each girl receive?

If 3 peaches take 2 minutes to find and pick, how long will it take to find and pick a dozen peaches?

Processing Speed

Symbol Search Match symbols appearing in separate groups.

NO

NO

NO

Symbol Search

Coding Fill in the symbols: 3 21244 1 31 2 3 4

X III I 0

■ TABLE 9.1

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Chapter 9308

Intelligence—How Would a Fool Do It?Human Diversity

You have been asked to sort some objects into categories. Wouldn’t it be smart to put the clothes, containers, implements, and foods in separate piles? Not necessarily. When members of the Kpelle culture in Libe- ria were asked to sort objects, they grouped them together by function. For example, a potato (food) would be placed together with a knife (implement). When the Kpelle were asked why they grouped the objects this way, they often said that was how a wise man would do it. The researchers finally asked the Kpelle, “How would a fool do it?” Only then did the Kpelle sort the objects into the nice, neat categories that we Westerners prefer.

This anecdote, related by cultural psy- chologist Patricia Greenfield (1997), raises serious questions about general definitions of intelligence. For example, among the Cree of northern Canada, “smart” people are the ones who have the skills needed to find food on the frozen tundra (Darou, 1992). For the Puluwat people in the South Pacific, smart means having ocean-going naviga- tion skills necessary to get from island to is- land (Sternberg, 2004). And so it goes, as each culture teaches its children the kinds of “intelligence” valued in that culture— how the wise man would do it, not the fool (Barber, 2010; Correa-Chávez, Rogoff, & Arauz, 2005).

How important do you think the mental abilities assessed in modern intelligence tests are to this Bushman hunter in Africa’s Kalahari Desert?

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Items from the Army Alpha Subtest on “Common Sense”

The Army Alpha was given to World War I army recruits in the United States as a way to identify potential officers. In these sample questions, note the curious mixture of folk wisdom, scientific information, and moralism (Kessen & Cahan, 1986). Other parts of the test were more like modern intelligence tests.

1. If plants are dying for lack of rain, you should

h water them

h ask a florist’s advice

h put fertilizer around them

2. If the grocer should give you too much money in making change, what is the right thing to do?

h buy some candy for him with it

h give it to the first poor man you meet

h tell him of his mistake

3. If you saw a train approaching a broken track you should

h telephone for an ambulance

h signal the engineer to stop the train

h look for a piece of rail to fit in

4. Some men lose their breath on high mountains because

h the wind blows their breath away

h the air is too rare

h it is always cold there

5. We see no stars at noon because

h they have moved to the other side of the earth

h they are much fainter than the sun

h they are hidden behind the sky

■ TABLE 9.2

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Copyright © 2013 Cengage Learning, Inc.

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Intelligence 309

Mental age The average mental ability displayed by people of a given age. Chronological age A person’s age in years. Intelligence quotient (IQ) An index of intelligence defined as mental age

divided by chronological age and multiplied by 100. Deviation IQ An IQ obtained statistically from a person’s relative standing

in his or her age group; that is, how far above or below average the person’s score was relative to other scores.

lege. Because the tests measure general knowledge and a variety of mental aptitudes, each can also be used to estimate intelligence.

Intelligence Quotients What is an “IQ”? Imagine that a child named Yuan can answer intelligence test questions that an average 7-year-old can answer. We could say that 7 is her mental age (average intellectual perfor- mance). How smart is Yuan? Actually, we can’t say yet, because we don’t know how old Yuan is. If she is 10, she’s not very smart. If she’s 5, she is very bright. Thus, although mental age is a good measure of actual ability, it says nothing about whether overall intelligence is high or low, compared with other people of the same age.

Thus, to estimate a child’s intelligence, we also need to know her chronological age (age in years). Then, we can relate mental age to chronological age. This yields an IQ, or intelligence quotient. A quotient results from dividing one number into another. When the Stanford-Binet was first used, IQ was defined as mental age (MA) divided by chronological age (CA) and multiplied by 100. (Multi- plying by 100 changes the IQ into a whole number rather than a decimal.)

MA CA

� 100 � IQ

An advantage of the original IQ was that intelligence could be compared among children with different chronological and mental ages. For instance, 10-year-old Justin has a mental age of 12. Thus, his IQ is 120:

1MA2 12 1CA2 10

� 100 � 120 (IQ)

Justin’s friend Suke also has a mental age of 12. However, Suke’s chronological age is 12, so his IQ is 100:

1MA2 12 1CA2 12

� 100 � 100 (IQ)

The IQ shows that 10-year-old Justin is brighter than his 12-year- old friend Suke, even though their intellectual skills are about the same. Notice that a person’s IQ will be 100 when mental age equals chronological age. Therefore, an IQ score of 100 is defined as aver- age intelligence.

Then does a person with an IQ score below 100 have below average intelligence? Not unless the IQ is well below 100. Average intelli- gence is usually defined as any score from 90 to 109. The impor- tant point is that IQ scores will be over  100 when mental age is higher than age in years. IQ scores below 100 occur when a per- son’s age in years exceeds his or her mental age. An example of this situation would be a 15-year-old with an MA of 12:

12 15

� 100 � 80 (IQ)

Deviation IQs Although the preceding examples may give you insight into IQ scores, it’s no longer necessary to directly calculate IQs. Instead, modern tests use deviation IQs. Tables supplied with the test are used to convert a person’s relative standing in the group to an IQ score. That is, they tell how far above or below average the person’s score falls. For example, if you score at the 50th percentile, half the people your age who take the test score higher than you and half score lower. In this case, your IQ score is 100. If you score at the 84th percentile, your IQ score is 115. If you score at the 97th per- centile, your IQ score is 130. (For more information, see the Statis- tics appendix near the end of this book.)

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Chapter 9310

OK, so how does Stephen Hawking score? When Hawking was once asked about his IQ, he claimed he didn’t know and joked, “People who boast about their IQ are losers.”

The Stability of IQ How old do children have to be before their IQ scores become stable? IQ scores are not very dependable until about age 6 (Schuerger & Witt, 1989). IQ scores measured at age  3 correlate poorly with those measured at age 27. In other words, knowing a child’s IQ at age 3 tells us very little about what his or her IQ will be 24 years later. (Recall that a perfect correlation is 1.00 and a correlation of 0.00 occurs when scores are unrelated.) However, IQs do become more reliable as children grow older. Knowing a child’s IQ at age 11 is a good predictor of his or her IQ later in life (Gow et al., 2010). After middle childhood, a person’s IQ scores usually change very little from year to year (Canivez & Watkins, 1998; Gow et al., 2010; Larsen, Hartmann, & Nyborg, 2008). (See • Figure 9.3).

Variations in Intelligence— The Numbers Game

Gateway Question 9.3: How do IQ scores relate to sex, age, and occupation? IQ scores are classified as shown in ■ Table 9.3. A look at the per- centages reveals a definite pattern. The distribution (or scattering) of IQ scores approximates a normal (bell-shaped) curve. That is, most

15 27 39 51

0.7

0.8

0.9

1.0

Age (years)

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0.6 3 63 75 87

• Figure 9.3 The stability or reliability of IQ scores increases rapidly in early childhood. Scores are very consistent from early adulthood to late middle age. (Adapted from Gow et al., 2010; Larsen, Hart- mann, & Nyborg, 2008; Schuerger & Witt, 1989.)

Distribution of Adult IQ Scores on the WAIS-IV

IQ Description Percent

Above 130 Very superior 2.2

120–129 Superior 6.7

110–119 Bright normal 16.1

90–109 Average 50.0

80–89 Dull normal 16.1

70–79 Borderline 6.7

Below 70 Intellectually disabled 2.2

■ TABLE 9.3

Derived from Wechsler, D. (2008). Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale, Fourth Edition (WAIS-IV). San Antonio, TX: Pearson.

Knowledge Builder Intelligence Tests

RECITE 1. The first successful intelligence test was developed by

__________________________________. 2. If we define intelligence by the obtained score on a written test, we

are using a. a circular definition b. an abstract definition c. an operational

definition d. a chronological definition 3. Place an “R” or a “V” after each operation to indicate whether it would

be used to establish the reliability (R) or the validity (V) of a test. a. Compare score on one half of test items to score on the other

half. ( ) b. Compare scores on test to grades, performance ratings, or other

measures. ( ) c. Compare scores from the test after administering it on two sepa-

rate occasions. ( ) d. Compare scores on alternate forms of the test. ( )

4. Establishing norms and uniform procedures for administering a test are elements of standardization. T or F?

5. The WAIS-IV is a group intelligence test. T or F? 6. IQ was originally defined as __________________ times 100. 7. Scores on modern intelligence tests are based on one’s deviation

IQ (relative standing among test takers) rather than on the ratio between mental age and chronological age. T or F?

REFLECT Think Critically

8. How well do you think a member of Kpelle culture in Liberia would score on the SB5?

Self-Reflect

If you were going to write an intelligence test, what kinds of questions would you ask? How much would your questions resemble those on standard intelligence tests? Would you want to measure any mental skills not covered by established tests?

Answers: 1. Alfred Binet 2. c 3. a. (R), b. (V), c. (R), d. (R) 4. T 5. F 6. MA/CA 7. T 8. You are right if you suspect the answer is most likely “poorly.” The more important question is what this means. Is the person “slow” or might there be some question about the test itself (Gardner, 2008; Hen- rich, Heine, & Norenzayan, 2010)? Stay tuned for more on this important issue.

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Intelligence 311

Normal curve A bell-shaped curve characterized by a large number of scores in a middle area, tapering to very few extremely high and low scores.

Fluid intelligence The ability to solve novel problems involving perceptual speed or rapid insight.

Crystallized intelligence The ability to solve problems using already acquired knowledge.

scores fall close to the average and very few are found at the extremes. • Figure 9.4 shows this characteristic of measured intelligence.

IQ and Sex On average, do males and females differ in intelligence? IQ scores cannot answer this question because test items were selected to be equally difficult for both sexes. However, whereas males and females do not appear to differ in overall intelligence, general intel- ligence tests allow us to compare the intellectual strengths and weaknesses of men and women (Hyde, 2007). For decades, women, as a group, performed best on items that require verbal ability, vocabulary, and rote learning. Men, in contrast, were best at items that require spatial visualization and math (Clements et al., 2006; Calvin et al., 2010). Today, such male-female differences have almost disappeared among children and young adults. The small differences that remain appear to be based on a tendency for par- ents and educators to encourage males, more than females, to learn math and spatial skills (Ceci & Williams, 2010).

IQ and Age How much are IQs affected by age? Don’t be confused by • Figure 9.3. The rising curve in that figure indicates that the consistency of IQ scores from year to year increases with age. Actual IQ test scores stay relatively stable as people age with a small, gradual increase until about age 40 and a small slow decline therafter (Larsen, Hart- mann, & Nyborg, 2008; Thompson & Oehlert, 2010).

This trend, of course, is an average. Actual IQs reflect a person’s education, maturity, and experience, as well as innate intelligence. Some people make fairly large gains in IQ, whereas others have siz- able losses. How do the two groups differ? In general, those who gain in IQ are exposed to intellectual stimulation during early adulthood. Those who decline typically suffer from chronic ill- nesses, drinking problems, or unstimulating lifestyles (Honzik, 1984; Nisbett, 2009a,b).

After middle age, the picture gets a bit more complex. Intellec- tual skills involved in fluid intelligence—solving novel problems

involving perceptual speed or rapid insight—decline rapidly after middle age (Brody, 1992; Lawrence, Myerson, & Hale, 1998). By way of compensation, crystallized intelligence—solving prob- lems using already acquired knowledge —can actually increase or, at least, decline very little until advanced age. In other words, younger people are generally “quick learners” (fluid intelligence) but tend to be “wet behind the ears” (lack experience or crystalized intelligence). Older people might be a little “slower on the uptake” but tend to “know the ropes.” Since IQ tests such as the SB5 and WAIS test for components of both fluid intelligence and crystal- lized intelligence, overall, age-related losses are small for most healthy, well-educated individuals (Rindermann, Flores-Mendoza, & Mansur-Alves, 2010; Weintraub 2003).

IQ and Achievement How do IQ scores relate to success in school, jobs, and other endeav- ors? IQ differences of a few points tell us little about a person. But if we look at a broader ranges of scores, the differences do become meaningful. For example, a person with an IQ of 100 would probably struggle with college, whereas one with an IQ of 120 would do just fine.

The correlation between IQ and school grades is at least .50—a sizable association (Calvin et al., 2010; Mayes et al., 2009). If grades depended solely on IQ, the connection would be even stronger. However, motivation, special talents, off- campus educational opportunities, and many other factors influ- ence grades and school success. The same is true of “real world” success beyond school (Strenze, 2007). IQ is also not a good predictor of success in art, music, writing, dramatics, science, and leadership. Tests of creativity are much more strongly related to achievement in these areas (Kaufman, 2009; Preckel, Holling, & Wiese, 2006).

As you might expect, IQ is also related to job status. Persons holding white-collar, professional positions average higher IQs than those in blue-collar settings. For example, accountants, lawyers, and engineers average about  125 in IQ. In contrast, miners and farm workers average about 90 (Brody, 1992). It is important to note, however, that a range of IQ scores can be found in all occupations. Many people of high intelligence, because of choice or circumstance, have “low-ranking” jobs.

Does the link between IQ and occupation show that professional jobs require more intelligence? Not as clearly as you might think. Higher status jobs often require an academic degree. As a result, hiring for professional jobs is biased in favor of a particular type of intelligence, namely, the kind measured by intelligence tests

Pe rc

en t

Intellectually disabled

Borderline

40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180

Mean = 101.8 IQ

20

16

12

8

24

4

Dull normal

Average

Bright normal

Superior

Very superior

• Figure 9.4 Distribution of Stanford-Binet Intelligence Test scores for 3184 children. (Adapted from Terman & Merrill, 1937/1960.)

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Chapter 9312

(McClelland, 1994; Neisser et al., 1996). This bias probably inflates the apparent association between professional jobs and IQ. The more IQ-like tests are used to select people for jobs, the stronger the association between IQ and job status. In fact, it can be argued that high status groups use such tests to protect their “territory” (Tittle & Rotolo, 2000).

When IQs are extreme—below 70 or above 140—their link to an individual’s potential for success becomes unmistakable. Only about 3  percent of the population falls in these ranges. Nevertheless, millions of people have exceptionally high or low IQs. Discussions of the intellectually gifted and intellectually disabled follow.

The Intellectually Gifted—Smart, Smarter, Smartest

Gateway Question 9.4: What does IQ tell us about genius? How high is the IQ of a genius? Only 2  people out of  100 score above  130 on IQ tests. These bright individuals are usually described as “gifted.” Less than one-half of one percent of the population scores above 140. These people are certainly gifted or perhaps even “geniuses.” However, some psychologists reserve the term genius for people with even higher IQs or those who are exceptionally creative (Hallahan, Kauffman, & Pullen, 2011).

Gifted Children Do high IQ scores in childhood predict later ability? To directly answer this question, Lewis Terman selected 1,500 children with IQs of 140 or more. Terman followed this gifted group (the “Ter- mites,” as he called them) into adulthood. By doing so, Terman corrected several popular misconceptions about high intelligence (Dai, 2010; Reis & Renzulli, 2010; Shurkin, 1992).

Misconception: The gifted tend to be peculiar, socially backward people. Fact: On the contrary, Terman’s gifted subjects, and gifted people in

general, are socially skilled and above average in leadership (Feldhusen & Westby, 2003).

Misconception: Early ripe means later rot; the gifted tend to fizzle out as adults.

Fact: This is false. When they were retested as adults, Terman’s subjects again scored in the upper IQ ranges.

Misconception: The very bright are physically inferior “eggheads,” “nerds,” or weaklings.

Fact: As a group, the gifted were above average in height, weight, and physical appearance.

Misconception: Highly intelligent persons are more susceptible to mental illness (“Genius is next to insanity”).

Fact: Terman demonstrated conclusively that the gifted enjoy better than average mental health and a greater resistance to mental illness. In general, the highly gifted tend to be very well adjusted psychologically (Dai, 2010; Garland & Zigler, 1999).

Misconception: Intelligence has little to do with success, especially in practical matters.

Fact: The success of Terman’s subjects was striking. Far more of them than average completed college, earned advanced degrees, and held pro- fessional positions. As a group, the gifted produced dozens of books, thou- sands of scientific articles, and hundreds of short stories and other publications (Shurkin, 1992; Terman & Oden, 1959). As noted earlier, IQ scores are not generally good predictors of real-world success. However, when scores are in the gifted range, the likelihood of outstanding achieve- ment does seem to be higher.

Giftedness and Achievement Were all the Termites superior as adults? No. Remember that high IQ reveals potential. It does not guarantee success. As adults, some of Terman’s gifted subjects committed crimes, were unemployable, or were unhappy misfits. Nor does a lower IQ guarantee failure. Nobel prize-winning physicist Richard Feynman, whom many regard as a genius, had an IQ of 122 (Michalko, 2001).

How did Terman’s more successful Termites differ from the less successful? Most of them had educated parents who valued learning and encouraged them to do the same. In general, successful gifted persons tend to have strong intellectual determination—a desire to know, to excel, and to persevere (Winner, 2003). Gifted or not, most successful persons tend to be persistent and motivated to learn (Reis & Renzulli, 2010). No one is paid to sit around being capable of achievement. What you do is always more important than what you should be able to do. That’s why a child’s talents are most likely to blossom when they are nurtured with support, encouragement, education, and effort (Callahan, 2006).

Identifying Gifted Children How might a parent spot an unusually bright child? Early signs of giftedness are not always purely “intellectual.” Giftedness can be either the possession of a high IQ or of special talents or aptitudes. The following signs may reveal that a child is gifted: a tendency to seek out older children and adults; an early fascination with expla- nations and problem solving; talking in complete sentences as early as 2 or 3 years of age; an unusually good memory; precocious talent in art, music, or number skills; an early interest in books, along with early reading (often by age 3); showing of kindness, understanding, and cooperation toward others (Dai, 2010; Distin, 2006).

Notice that this list goes beyond straight g-factor, or general “academic” intelligence. Children may be gifted in ways other than having a high IQ. In fact, if artistic talent, mechanical aptitude, musical aptitude, athletic potential, and so on are considered, many children have a special “gift” of one kind or another. Limiting giftedness to high IQ can shortchange children with special talents or potentials. This is especially true of ethnic minority children, who may be the victims of subtle biases in standardized intelligence tests. These children, as well as children with physical disabilities, are less likely to be recognized as gifted (Castellano & Frazier, 2011; Ford & Moore, 2006).

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(Intelligence Theory Pptf homework help)

Intelligence 313

Giftedness Either the possession of a high IQ or special talents or aptitudes.

Intellectual disability (formerly mental retardation) The presence of a developmental disability, a formal IQ score below 70, or a significant impairment of adaptive behavior.

GATE Programs Being exceptionally bright is not without its problems. Usually, parents and teachers must make adjustments to help gifted chil- dren make the most of their talents ( Jolly et al., 2011). The gifted child may become bored in classes designed for average children. This can lead to misbehavior or clashes with teachers who think the gifted child a show-off or smart aleck. Extremely bright chil- dren may also find classmates less stimulating than older children or adults. In recognition of these problems, many schools now provide special Gifted and Talented Education (GATE) classes for gifted children. Such programs combine classroom enrich- ment with fast-paced instruction to satisfy the gifted child’s appetite for intellectual stimulation (Dai, 2010). Since 1988, the federally funded Jacob K. Javits Gifted and Talented Children and Youth Education Act has provided ongoing funds for research into gifted and talented education programs (Reis & Renzulli, 2010).

All children benefit from enriched environments. For a discussion of enrichment and some guidelines for parents, see Chapter 3, pages 87–88.

BRIDGES

In the next section, we will discuss intellectual disability.

Intellectual Disability— A Difference That Makes a Difference

Gateway Question 9.5: What causes intellectual disability? Before you begin, take a few moments to read “Meet the Rain Man,” in which you will find information about a remarkable mixture of brilliance and intellectual disability. And please keep Kim Peek in mind as you read on. There is usually much more to intellectually disabled people than can be shown by the results of IQ testing (Treffert, 2010). It is especially important to realize that intellectu- ally disabled persons have no handicap when feelings are concerned. They are easily hurt by rejection, teasing, or ridicule. Likewise, they respond warmly to love and acceptance. They have a right to self- respect and a place in the community (Montreal Declaration on Intellectual Disabilities, 2004). This is especially important during childhood, when support from others adds greatly to the person’s chances of becoming a well-adjusted member of society.

Levels of Intellectual Disability A person with mental abilities far below average is termed intel- lectually disabled (the former term, mentally retarded, is now regarded by many as offensive). According to the current definition

It is wise to remember that there are many ways in which a child may be gifted. Many schools now offer Gifted and Talented Edu- cation programs for students with a variety of special abilities—not just for those who score well on IQ tests.

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These youngsters are participants in the Special Olympics—an athletic event for the intellectually disabled. It is often said of the Special Olympics that “everyone is a winner—participants, coaches, and spectators.”

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Chapter 9314

listed in the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Sta- tistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV), intellectual disabil- ity begins at an IQ of approximately 70 or below and is classified as shown in ■ Table 9.4 (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). The listed IQ ranges are approximate because IQ scores normally vary a few points. The terms in the right-hand column are listed only to give you a general impression of each IQ range. Currently, a person’s ability to perform adaptive behaviors (basic skills such as dressing, eating, communicating, shopping, and working) also fig- ures into evaluating this disability (American Psychiatric Associa- tion, 2000; Hallahan, Kauffman, & Pullen, 2011).

A new edition of the DSM, the DSM-5, is scheduled for pub- lication in 2012. It is quite likely that the new definitions of levels

of intellectual disability will deemphasize IQ and focus more heavily on impairment of adaptive behaviors (American Psychiat- ric Association, 2010). After all, why label someone with fairly good adaptive skills “severely intellectually disabled” just because his or her IQ falls within a prescribed range? The end result of such labels is, too often, a placing of needless limitations on the educational goals of intellectually disabled persons (Harris, 2010; Kirk et al., 2011).

Are the intellectually disabled usually placed in institutions? No. Total care is usually only necessary for the profoundly disabled (IQ below 25). Many of these individuals live in group homes or with their families. Those who are severely disabled (IQ of 25–40) and moderately disabled (IQ of 40–55) are capable of mastering basic language and self-help skills. Many become self-supporting by working in sheltered workshops (special simplified work environ- ments). The mildly disabled (IQ of 55–70) make up about 85 per- cent of all those affected. This group can benefit from carefully structured education. As adults, these persons, as well as the bor- derline disabled (IQ 70–85), are capable of living alone and they may marry. However, they tend to have difficulties with many of the demands of adult life (Zetlin & Murtaugh, 1990).

Causes of Intellectual Disability What causes intellectual disability? In 30  to 40 percent of cases, no known biological problem can be identified. In many such instances, the degree of disability is mild, in the 50–70 IQ range.

Levels of Intellectual Disability

IQ Range

Degree of Intellectual Disability

Educational Classification

Required Level of Support

50–55 to 70 Mild Educable Intermittent

35–40 to 50–55 Moderate Trainable Limited

20–25 to 35–40 Severe Dependent Extensive

Below 20–25 Profound Life support Pervasive

■ TABLE 9.4

(Adapted from American Psychiatric Association, 2000.)

Meet the Rain ManThe Clinical File

Meet Kim Peek, the model for Dustin Hoff- man’s character in the Academy Award– winning movie Rain Man (Peek & Hanson, 2007). Kim began memorizing books at 18 months of age. By the time of his death in 2009, he could recite from memory more than 9,000 books. He knew all the ZIP codes and area codes in the United States and could give accurate travel directions be- tween any two major U.S. cities. He could also discuss hundreds of pieces of classical music in detail and could play most of it quite well. Amazingly, though, for someone with such skills, Kim had difficulty with ab- stract thinking and tests of general intelli- gence. He was poorly coordinated and couldn’t button his own clothes (Treffert, 2010; Treffert & Christensen, 2005).

Kim Peek had savant syndrome, in which a person of limited intelligence shows exceptional mental ability in one or more narrow areas, such as mental arithmetic, cal-

endar calculations, art, or music (Crane et al., 2010; Young, 2005).

Do savants have special mental powers not shared by most people? According to one the- ory, many savants have suffered some form of damage to their left hemispheres, freeing them from the “distractions” of language, concepts, and higher-level thought. This al- lows them to focus with crystal clarity on music, drawing, prime numbers, license plates, TV commercials, and other specific in- formation (Young, 2005). Another theory holds that the performances of many sa- vants result from intense practice (Miller, 1999). Perhaps each of us harbors embers of mental brilliance that intense practice could fan into full flame (Snyder et al., 2006; Tref- fert, 2010).

Although savant syndrome hasn’t been fully explained, it does show that extraordi- nary abilities can exist apart from general intelligence.

Once, four months after reading a novel, Kim was asked about a character. He immediately named the character, gave the page number on which a description appeared, and accurately recited several paragraphs about the character (Treffert & Christensen, 2005).

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Intelligence 315

Savant syndrome The possession of exceptional mental ability in one or more narrow areas, such as mental arithmetic, calendar calculations, art, or music by a person of limited general intelligence.

Familial intellectual disability Mild intellectual disability associated with homes that are intellectually, nutritionally, and emotionally impoverished.

Down Syndrome A genetic disorder caused by the presence of an extra chromosome; results in intellectual disability.

Fragile X syndrome A genetic form of intellectual disability caused by a defect in the X chromosome.X

Often, other family members are also mildly disabled. Familial intellectual disability, as this is called, occurs mostly in very poor households, in which nutrition, intellectual stimulation, medical care, and emotional support may be inadequate. This suggests that familial intellectual disability is based largely on an impoverished environment. Thus, better nutrition, education, and early childhood enrichment programs could prevent many cases of intellectual disability (Beirne-Smith, Patton, & Shan- non, 2006).

About half of all cases of intellectual disability are organic, or related to physical disorders (Das, 2000). These include birth injuries (such as lack of oxygen during delivery), and fetal damage (prenatal damage from disease, infection, or drugs). Metabolic disorders, which affect energy production and use in the body, also cause intellectual disability. Some forms of intel- lectual disability are linked to genetic abnormalities, such as missing genes, extra genes, or defective genes. Malnutrition and exposure to lead, PCBs, and other toxins early in childhood can also cause organic intellectual disability (Beirne-Smith, Patton, & Shannon, 2006). Let’s briefly look at several distinctive problems.

Down Syndrome In 1 out of 800 babies, the disorder known as Down syndrome causes moderate to severe intellectual disability and a shortened life expectancy of around 49 years. It is now known that Down syndrome children have an extra 21st chromosome. This condi- tion, which is called trisomy-21, results from flaws in the par- ents’ egg or sperm cells. Thus, although Down syndrome is genetic, it is not usually hereditary (it doesn’t “run in the family”).

The age of parents is a major factor in Down syndrome. As people age, their reproductive cells are more prone to errors dur- ing cell division. This raises the odds that an extra chromosome will be present. As you can see in the following figures, the older a

woman is, the greater the risk (National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, 2010):

Mother’s age Incidence of Down syndrome Under 30 1/11000 Early 40s 1/105 Late 40s 1/12

Fathers, and possibly especially older fathers, also add to the risk; in a small percentage of cases, the father is the source of the extra chromosome (National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, 2010). Older adults who plan to have children should carefully consider the odds shown here.

There is no “cure” for Down syndrome. However, these chil- dren are usually loving and responsive, and they make progress in a caring environment. At a basic level, Down syndrome children can do most of the things that other children can, only slower. The best hope for Down syndrome children, therefore, lies in specially tai- lored educational programs that enable them to lead fuller lives.

Fragile X Syndrome The second most common form of genetic intellectual disability (after Down syndrome) is fragile X syndrome (Hallahan, Kauff- man, & Pullen, 2011). Unlike Down syndrome, fragile X syn- drome is hereditary—it does run in families. The problem is related to a thin, frail-looking area on the X (female) chromosome. Because fragile X is sex linked (like color-blindness), boys are most often affected, at a rate of about 1 out of every 3800 (National Fragile X Foundation, 2011).

Fragile X males generally have long, thin faces and big ears. Physically, they are usually larger than average during childhood, but smaller than average after adolescence. Up to three-fourths of all fragile X males suffer from hyperactivity and attention disor- ders. Many also have a peculiar tendency to avoid eye contact with others.

Fragile X males are only mildly intellectually disabled during early childhood, but they are often severely or profoundly intel- lectually disabled as adults. When learning adaptive behaviors, they tend to do better with daily living skills than with language and social skills (Hallahan, Kauffman, & Pullen, 2011).

Phenylketonuria (PKU) The problem called phenylketonuria (FEN-ul-KEET-uh-NURE- ee-ah) is a genetic disease. Children who have PKU lack an impor- tant enzyme. This causes phenylpyruvic (FEN-ul-pye-ROO-vik)

This young woman exhibits the classical features of Down syndrome: Distinctive features of this problem are almond-shaped eyes, a slightly protruding tongue, a stocky build, and stubby hands with deeply creased palms.

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Chapter 9316

acid (a destructive chemical) to collect within their bodies. PKU is also linked to very low levels of dopamine, an important chemical messenger in the brain. If PKU goes untreated, severe intellectual disability typically occurs by age 3.

PKU can be detected in newborn babies by routine medical testing. Affected children are usually placed on a diet low in phe- nylalinine, the substance the child’s body can’t handle. Carefully following this diet will usually prevent intellectual disability (Grosse, 2010). (Phenylalinine is present in many foods. You might be interested to know that it is also found in Aspartame, the artificial sweetener in diet colas.)

Microcephaly The word microcephaly (MY-kro-SEF-ah-lee) means small- headedness. The microcephalic person suffers a rare abnormality in which the skull is extremely small or fails to grow. This forces the brain to develop in a limited space, causing severe intellectual dis- ability (Szabó et al., 2010). Although they are typically institution- alized, microcephalic persons are usually affectionate, well-behaved, and cooperative.

Hydrocephaly Hydrocephaly (HI-dro-SEF-ah-lee: “water on the brain”) is caused by a buildup of cerebrospinal fluid within brain cavities. Pressure from this fluid can damage the brain and enlarge the head. Hydro- cephaly is not uncommon—about 10,000 hydocephalic babies are born each year in the United States and Canada. However, thanks to new medical procedures, most of these infants will lead nearly normal lives. A surgically implanted tube drains fluid from the brain into the abdomen and minimizes brain damage. Although affected children usually score below average on mental tests, severe intellectual disability usually can be prevented (Rourke et al., 2002).

Cretinism Cretinism (KREET-un-iz-um) is another type of intellectual disabil- ity that appears in infancy. It results from an insufficient supply of thyroid hormone. In some parts of the world, cretinism is caused by a lack of iodine in the diet (the thyroid glands require iodine to func- tion normally). Iodized salt has made this source of intellectual dis- ability rare in developed nations. Cretinism causes stunted physical and intellectual growth that cannot be reversed. Fortunately, cretin- ism is easily detected in infancy. Once detected, it can be treated with thyroid hormone replacement, before permanent damage occurs.

Heredity and Environment— Super Rats, Family Trees, and Video Games

Gateway Question 9.6: How do heredity and environment affect intelligence? Is intelligence inherited? This seemingly simple question is loaded with controversy. Some psychologists believe that intelligence is strongly affected by heredity. Others feel that environment is dominant. Let’s examine some evidence for each view.

In a classic study of genetic factors in learning, Tryon (1929) managed to breed separate strains of “maze-bright” and “maze-

Knowledge Builder Variations in Intelligence

RECITE 1. The distribution of IQs approximates a _________________________

(bell-shaped) curve. 2. Differences in the intellectual strengths of men and women have

grown larger in recent years. T or F?

3. The association between IQ and high-status professional jobs proves that such jobs require more intelligence. T or F?

4. Only about 6 percent of the population scores above 140 on IQ tests. T or F?

5. An IQ score below 90 indicates intellectual disability. T or F? 6. Many cases of intellectual disability without known organic causes

appear to be ______________________________. Match: 7. ____ PKU A. Too little thyroid hormone 8. ____ Microcephaly B. Very small brain 9. ____ Hydrocephaly C. 47 chromosomes 10. ____ Cretinism D. Lack of an important enzyme 11. ____ Down syndrome E. Excess of cerebrospinal fluid 12. ____ Fragile X F. Abnormal female chromosome

G. Caused by a lack of oxygen at birth

REFLECT Think Critically

13. Lewis Terman took great interest in the lives of many of the “Ter- mites.” He even went so far as to advise them about what kinds of careers they should pursue. What error of observation did Terman make?

Self-Reflect

If you measure the heights of all the people in your psychology class, most people will be clustered around an average height. Very few will be extremely tall or extremely short. Does this ring a bell? Do you think it’s normal? (It is, of course; most measured human characteristics form a normal curve, just as IQs do.)

Do you think that giftedness should be defined by high IQ or having special talents (or both)? To increase your chances of succeeding in today’s society, would you prefer to be smart or talented (or both)? How about smart, talented, motivated, and lucky!?

As a psychologist you are asked to assess a child’s degree of intellec- tual disability. Will you rely more on IQ or the child’s level of adaptive behavior? Would you be more confident in your judgment if you took both factors into account?

Answers: 1. normal 2. F 3. F 4. F 5. F 6. familial 7. D 8. B 9. E 10. A 11. C 12. F 13. Terman may have unintentionally altered the behavior of the people he was studying. Although Terman’s observations are generally regarded as valid, he did break a basic rule of scientific observation.

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Intelligence 317

Phenylketonuria A genetic disease that allows phenylpyruvic acid to accumulate in the body.

Microcephaly A disorder in which the head and brain are abnormally small.y Hydrocephaly A buildup of cerebrospinal fluid within brain cavities. Cretinism Stunted growth and intellectual disability caused by an

insufficient supply of thyroid hormone. Eugenics Selective breeding for desirable characteristics. Fraternal twins Twins conceived from two separate eggs. Identical twins Twins who develop from a single egg and have identical

genes.

dull” rats (animals that were extremely “bright” or “stupid” at learning mazes). After several generations of breeding, the slowest “super rat” outperformed the best “dull” rat. This and other studies of eugenics (selective breeding for desirable characteristics) sug- gest that some traits are highly influenced by heredity.

That may be true, but is maze-learning really a measure of intel- ligence? No, it isn’t. Tryon’s study seemed to show that intelligence is inherited, but later researchers found that the “bright” rats were simply more motivated by food and less easily distracted during testing. When they weren’t chasing after rat chow, the “bright” rats were no more intelligent than the supposedly dull rats. Thus, Try- on’s study did demonstrate that behavioral characteristics can be influenced by heredity. However, it was inconclusive concerning intelligence. Because of such problems, animal studies cannot tell us with certainty how heredity and environment affect intelli- gence. Let’s see what human studies reveal.

Hereditary Influences Most people are aware of a moderate similarity in the intelligence between parents and their children, or between brothers and sis- ters. As • Figure 9.5 shows, the closer two people are on a family tree, the more alike their IQs are likely to be.

Does that indicate that intelligence is hereditary? Not necessarily. Brothers, sisters, and parents share similar environments as well as similar genes (Grigorenko, 2005). To separate heredity and envi- ronment, we need to make some selected comparisons.

Twin Studies Notice in • Figure 9.5 that the IQ scores of fraternal twins are more alike than those of ordinary brothers and sisters. Fraternal twins come from two separate eggs fertilized at the same time. They are no more genetically alike than ordinary siblings. Why, then, should the twins’ IQ scores be more similar? The reason is environmental: Parents treat twins more alike than ordinary sib- lings, resulting in a closer match in IQs.

More striking similarities are observed with identical twins, who develop from a single egg and have identical genes. At the top of • Figure 9.5 you can see that identical twins who grow up in the same family have highly correlated IQs. This is what we would expect with identical heredity and very similar environments. Now, let’s consider what happens when identical twins are reared apart. As you can see, the correlation drops, but only from .86 to .72. Psychologists who emphasize genetics believe figures like these show that differences in adult intelligence are roughly 50 percent hereditary ( Jacobs et al., 2008; Neisser et al., 1996).

How do environmentalists interpret the figures? They point out that some separated identical twins differ by as much as 20  IQ points. In every case in which this occurs, there are large educa- tional and environmental differences between the twins. Also, separated twins are almost always placed in homes socially and educationally similar to those of their birth parents. This would tend to inflate apparent genetic effects by making the separated

twins’ IQs more alike. Another frequently overlooked fact is that twins grow up in the same environment before birth (in the womb). If this environmental similarity is taken into account, intelligence would seem to be less than 50 percent hereditary (Devlin, Daniels, & Roeder, 1997; Turkheimer et al., 2003).

Identical twins also tend to have similar personality traits. This suggests that heredity contributes to personality as well as intelligence. For more information, see Chapter 12, pages 425–427.

BRIDGES

Environmental Influences Some evidence for an environmental view of intelligence comes from families having one adopted child and one biological child. As • Figure 9.6 shows, parents contribute genes and environment

Unrelated persons

Parents and children

Siblings

Fraternal twins

Identical twins

Correlation coefficient

.86 .72

.62

.41 .24

.35 .31

.25 0.0

No data available

Reared apart

Reared together

.1 1.0.2 .3 .4 .5 .6 .7 .8 .9

• Figure 9.5 Approximate correlations between IQ scores for persons with varying degrees of genetic and environmental similarity. Notice that the correla- tions grow smaller as the degree of genetic similarity declines. Also note that a shared environment increases the correlation in all cases. (Adapted from Bouchard, 1983; Henderson, 1982.)

Environment

Environment

Genes

Adopted child

Biological childParent

Parent

• Figure 9.6 Comparison of an adopted child and a biological child reared in the same family. (Adapted from Kamin, 1981.)

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Chapter 9318

to their biological child. With an adopted child they contribute only environment. If intelligence is highly genetic, the IQs of bio- logical children should be more like their parents’ IQs than the IQs of adopted children are. However, studies show that children reared by the same mother resemble her in IQ to the same degree. It doesn’t matter whether they share her genes (Kamin, 1981; Weinberg, 1989).

IQ and Socioeconomic Status How much can environment alter intelligence? It depends on the quality of the environment (Turkheimer et al., 2003). One way to look at environmental effects is to compare children adopted by parents of high or low socioeconomic status (SES). As you might predict, children who grow up in high SES homes develop higher IQs than those reared by lower SES parents. Presumably, the higher SES homes provide an enriched environment, with better nutrition, greater educational opportunities, and other advantages (Capron & Duyme, 1992).

More importantly, children adopted out of low SES environ- ments can experience great relative gains in intelligence. That is, the IQs of low SES children may be more dramatically infuenced by environmental factors than the IQs of high SES children (Hen- rich, Heine, & Norenzayan, 2010). In one study, striking increases in IQ occurred in 25 children who were moved from an orphanage and were eventually adopted by parents who gave them love, a fam- ily, and a stimulating home environment. Once considered intel- lectually disabled and unadoptable, the children gained an average of 29 IQ points. A second group of initially less intellectually dis- abled children, who stayed in the orphanage, lost an average of 26 IQ points (Skeels, 1966).

A particularly dramatic environmental effect is the fact that 14  nations have shown average IQ gains of from 5  to 25  points during the last 30  years (Dickens & Flynn, 2001; Flynn, 2007).

Referred to as the Flynn effect, after New Zealand psychologist James Flynn, these IQ boosts, averaging 15 points, occurred in far too short a time to be explained by genetics. It is more likely that the gains reflect environmental forces, such as improved education, nutrition, and living in a technologically complex society (Barber, 2010; Johnson, 2005). If you’ve ever tried to play a computer game or set up a wireless network in your home, you’ll understand why people may be getting better at answering IQ test questions (Neis- ser, 1997). The highlight “You Mean Video Games Might Be Good for Me?” explores this idea further.

If environment makes a difference, can intelligence be taught? The traditional answer is “No.” Brief coaching, for instance, has little positive effect on aptitude and intelligence test scores (Brody, 1992). More encouraging results can be found in early childhood education programs, which provide longer-term stimulating intel- lectual experiences for disadvantaged children (Kirk et al., 2011). In one study, children from low-income families were given enriched environments from early infancy through preschool. By age 2, their IQ scores were already higher than those in a control group. More important, they were still 5 points higher 7 years later (Campbell & Ramey, 1994). High-quality enrichment programs such as Head Start can prevent children from falling behind in school (Barnet & Barnet, 1998; Ramey, Ramey, & Lanzi, 2001).

Later schooling can also have an impact on IQ. Stephen Ceci found that people who leave school lose up to 6 points in IQ per year. Dropping out of school in the eighth grade can reduce a per- son’s adult IQ by up to 24 points. Conversely, IQ rises as people spend more time in school (Ceci, 1991). Israeli psychologist Reuven Feuerstein (FOY-er-shtine) and his colleagues have devel- oped a program they call Instrumental Enrichment. Through hundreds of hours of guided problem solving, students learn to avoid the thinking flaws that lower IQ scores (Feuerstein et al., 1986). Feuerstein and others have shown that such training can

You Mean Video Games Might Be Good for Me?Critical Thinking

Even though the Flynn effect suggests that environmental factors influence intelli- gence (Flynn, 2007; Schooler, 1998), we are left with the question “Which factors?” Psy- chologist Steven Johnson (2005) believes that contemporary culture is responsible. Although he agrees that much popular media content is too violent or sexual in nature, he points out that video games, the Internet, and even television are becoming more complex. As a result, they demand ever greater cognitive effort from us. In other words, it is as important to understand how we experience the environment as it is to understand what we experience.

For example, early video games, such as Pong or PacMan, offered simple, repetitive visual experiences. In contrast, today’s best- selling games, such as Call of Duty or The Sims, offer rich, complicated experiences that can take 40 or more hours of intense problem-solving to complete. Furthermore, players must usually figure out the rules by themselves. Instructions for completing popular games, which have been created by fans, are typically much longer than chapters in this textbook. Only a complex and engag- ing game would prompt players to use such instructions, much less write them for others to use (Johnson, 2005).

According to Johnson, other forms of popular culture have also become more complex, including the Internet and com- puter software. Even popular television has become more cognitively demanding. For example, compared with television dramas of the past, modern dramas weave plot lines and characters through an entire sea- son of programs. In the end, popular cul- ture may well be inviting us to read, reflect, and problem-solve more than ever before (Jaeggi et al., 2008). (Before you uncritically embrace video games, read “You Mean Video Games Might Be Bad for Me?” in Chapter 6.)

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Intelligence 319

Early childhood education program Programs that provide stimulating intellectual experiences, typically for disadvantaged preschoolers.

Reaction time The amount of time a person must look at a stimulus to make a correct judgment about it.

improve thinking abilities and even raise IQs (Feuerstein et al., 2004; Skuy et al., 2002; Tzuriel & Shamir, 2002).

With our growing understanding of how people think and with the tireless aid of computers, it may become common in schools to “teach intelligence.” Most importantly, improved education and training in thinking skills can improve the intellectual abilities of all children, regardless of what their IQ scores are (Hallahan, Kauffman, & Pullen, 2011; Hunt, 1995). Even if “teaching intelli- gence” doesn’t raise IQ scores, it can give children the abilities they need to think better and succeed in life (Perkins & Grotzer, 1997).

Summary To sum up, few psychologists seriously believe that heredity is not a major factor in intelligence, and all acknowledge that environment affects it. Estimates of the impact of heredity and environment continue to vary. But ultimately, both camps agree that improving social conditions and education can raise intelligence.

There is probably no limit to how far down intelligence can go in an extremely poor environment. On the other hand, hered- ity does seem to impose upper limits on IQ, even under ideal conditions. It is telling, nevertheless, that gifted children tend to come from homes in which parents spend time with their chil- dren, answer their questions, and encourage intellectual explora- tion (Dai, 2010).

Impoverished and unstimulating environments can severely restrict mental development during early childhood. See Chapter 3, pages 87–88, for more information.

BRIDGES

The fact that intelligence is partly determined by heredity tells us little of any real value. Genes are fixed at birth. Improving the environments in which children learn and grow is the main way in which we can assure that they reach their full potential (Ormrod, 2011; Turkheimer, 1998).

As a final summary, it might help to think of inherited intel- lectual potential as a rubber band that is stretched by outside forces. A long rubber band may be stretched more easily, but a shorter one can be stretched to the same length if enough force is applied. Of course, a superior genetic gift may allow for a higher maximum IQ. In the final analysis, intelligence reflects develop- ment as well as potential, nurture as well as nature (Grigorenko, 2005; Kalat, 2009).

Beyond Psychometric Intelligence—Intelligent Alternatives to “g”

Gateway Question 9.7: Are there alternate views of intelligence? Until now, we have treated intelligence psychometrically, as a qual- ity that can be measured, like height or weight. Other approaches share the goal of understanding intelligence in more detail. Specifi-

cally, let’s have a look at four other approaches to the study of intelligence:

• Some psychologists are investigating the neural basis for intelli- gence. How, they ask, does the nervous system contribute to differences in IQ?

• A second approach views intelligent behavior as an expression of thinking skills. Cognitive psychologists believe that the nervous system is like a fast computer—it’s of little value unless you know how to use it.

• Speaking of computers, would it make sense to understand human intelligence by programming computers? That is one goal of the field of artificial intelligence.

• A fourth trend involves newer, broader definitions of intelli- gence. Many psychologists have begun to question the narrow focus on analytic thinking found in traditional IQ tests.

The Intelligent Nervous System Do more intelligent people have superior nervous systems? It is natural to assume that intelligence, like other human abilities, can be local- ized in the nervous system. But where and how does Steven Hawk- ing’s nervous system allow him to be so intelligent? This is cur- rently a vibrant research field (Banich & Compton, 2011). We can only briefly explore a few threads here.

One possibility is that intelligent people have faster nervous systems. Maybe Steven Hawking’s brain is just faster than the rest of us. To investigate this possibility, researchers measure how fast people process various kinds of information (Bates, 2005). For example, psychologists have looked at people’s reaction time, the time it takes people to respond to a stimulus (see • Figure 9.7). The flurry of brain activity that follows exposure to a stimulus can also be recorded. Such studies attempt to measure a person’s

(a) (b)

• Figure 9.7 Stimuli like those used in reaction time tasks. The participant views stimulus (a) followed almost immediately by (b), ensuring that (a) is only briefly visible. The participant’s task is to press one key if the left-hand segment of (a) is shorter and another if it is longer. Participants with higher IQs are generally faster and more accurate at tasks like this (Bates, 2005; Petrill et al., 2001).

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Chapter 9320

speed of processing, which is assumed to reflect the brain’s speed and efficiency (Reed, Vernon, & Johnson, 2004; Waiter et al., 2009). In general, people higher in measured IQ perform faster on reaction time tasks like that shown in • Figure 9.7 (McCrory & Cooper, 2005). In addition, brain areas that control higher mental abilities usually become more active during reaction time testing (Deary et al., 2001; Waiter et al., 2009). Such observa- tions suggest that having a quick nervous system is part of what it means to be quick, smart, swift, or brainy.

Which brain areas control higher mental abilities? You may recall from Chapter  2 that the frontal lobes and especially pre- frontal cortex are related to more complex behaviors. Maybe those parts of Steven Hawking’s brain are just bigger than the rest of us.

Although brain imaging studies confirm the role the frontal lobes play in intelligence, there is more to the story. As you can see in • Figure 9.8, even though these brain images reveal that parts of frontal cortex are larger in people with higher IQs, the same is true for other parts of cortex (Haier et al, 2004). Perhaps we shouldn’t be surprised that a function as complex as intelli- gence relies on activity of many different brain areas. Also, noticeable differences between younger (UNM) and older (UCI) participants suggest that the way the brain expresses intelligence changes as we age. Clearly, we do not yet have a complete picture of the relationship between the nervous system and intelligence.

Intelligent Information Processing Much intelligent behavior is an expression of good thinking skills. Cognitive psychologist David Perkins believes that how smart you are depends on three factors:

• Relatively fixed neural intelligence (the speed and efficiency of the nervous system);

• Experiential intelligence (specialized knowledge and skills acquired over time);

• Reflective intelligence (an ability to become aware of one’s own thinking habits).

Little can be done to change neural intelligence. However, by add- ing to personal knowledge and learning to think better, people can become more intelligent (Perkins, 1995; Ritchhart & Perkins, 2005). The effects of Feuerstein’s Instrumental Enrichment pro- gram (described earlier) are a good example of how reflective intel- ligence can be improved.

Many psychologists now believe that to make full use of innate intelligence a person must have good metacognitive skills. Meta means “beyond,” so metacognitive skills go above and beyond ordi- nary thinking. Such skills involve an ability to manage your own thinking and problem solving. Typically this means breaking prob- lems into parts, establishing goals and subgoals, monitoring your progress, and making corrections. Learning metacognitive skills is the surest avenue to becoming more intelligent (Hunt, 1995; Ku & Ho, 2010).

Metacognitive skills are a large part of what it means to be a reflective thinker. See the “Psychology of Studying,” pages 1–8, to remind yourself (You did read it, right?) how to sharpen your metacognitive skills to become a better student.

BRIDGES

Artificial Intelligence Whereas most efforts have focused on measuring intelligence in humans, a small group of psychologists and computer scientists have taken an entirely different approach. Their basic idea is to build machines that display artificial intelligence (AI). This usu- ally refers to creating computer programs capable of doing things that require intelligence when done by people (Russell & Norvig, 2003). As computer scientist Aaron Sloman explains it, “Human brains don’t work by magic, so whatever it is they do should be

UNM Gray Matter UCI Gray Matter UNM White Matter UCI White Matter

• Figure 9.8 MRI identification of cortical areas whose size is correlated with IQ. The left hemisphere is shown in the top row; the right is on the bottom. Participants were drawn from two universities, a younger group from the University of New Mexico (UNM) and an older group from the University of California at Irvine (UCI). Brain areas pictured in red and yellow are larger in people with higher IQs. (From Haier et al., 2004).

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Intelligence 321

Speed of processing The speed with which a person can mentally process information.

Neural intelligence The innate speed and efficiency of a person’s brain and nervous system.

Experiential intelligence Specialized knowledge and skills acquired through learning and experience.

Reflective intelligence An ability to become aware of one’s own thinking habits.

Metacognitive skills An ability to manage one’s own thinking and problem solving efforts.

Artificial intelligence (AI) Refers to both the creation of computer programs capable of doing things that require intelligence when done by people, and to the resulting programs themselves.

doable by machine” (Brooks, 2009). The resulting programs can then help us understand how people do those same things.

Consider, for example, IBM’s “Watson” supercomputer, which outperforms even expert humans at playing the television game Jeopardy (Markoff, 2011). Similarly, Aaron Sloman’s robot, the “Cubinator,” does a spiffy job of solving Rubik’s Cube puzzles. Slo- man hopes the Cubinator’s expertise will help him better under- stand how humans do mathematics (Sloman, 2008).

How smart are computers and robots? Don’t worry, they are not very smart yet. Let’s say you are exchanging instant messages with someone you don’t know. You are allowed to make any comments and ask any questions you like, for as long as you like. In reality, the “person” you are communicating with is a computer. Do you think a computer could fool you into believing it was human? If it did, wouldn’t that qualify it as “intelligent”? You may be surprised to learn that, to date, no machine has come close to passing this test (Moor, 2003).

The problem computers face is that we humans can mentally “shift gears” from one topic to another with incredible flexibility. In contrast, machine “intelligence” is currently “blind” outside its underlying set of rules (D’Mello, Graesser, & King, 2010). As a tiny example, u cann understnd wrds thet ar mizpeld. Computers are very literal and easily stymied by such errors.

Regardless, AI has been successful at very specific tasks (such as playing chess or solving a Rubik’s Cube). Much of current AI is based on the fact that many tasks—from harmonizing music to diagnosing disease—can be reduced to a set of rules applied to a collection of information. AI is valuable in situations in which speed, vast mem- ory, and persistence are required. In fact, AI programs are better at

some tasks than humans are. An example is world chess champion Garry Kasparov’s loss, in 1997, to a computer called “Deep Blue.”

Artificial Intelligence and Cognition Although AI is a long way from duplicating general human intel- ligence, AI systems like the Cubinator offer a way to probe some of our specific cognitive skills, or intelligences. For instance, com- puter simulations and expert systems provide good examples of how AI is used as a research tool.

Computer simulations are programs that attempt to duplicate specific human behaviors, especially thinking, decision making, and problem solving. Here, the computer acts as a “laboratory” for testing models of cognition. If a computer program behaves as humans do (including making the same errors), then the program may be a good model of how we think.

Expert systems are computer programs that respond as a human expert would (Giarratano & Riley, 2005; Mahmoodabadi et al., 2010). They have demystified some human abilities by converting complex skills into clearly stated rules a computer can follow. Expert systems can predict the weather, analyze geological forma- tions, diagnose disease, play chess, read, tell when to buy or sell stocks, and perform many other tasks.

Eventually, AI will almost certainly lead to robots that recognize voices and that speak and act “intelligently” in specific areas of abil- ity. To achieve this, should intelligence be directly programmed into computers? Or should computers be designed to learn from experi- ence, like the human brain does? (Sporns, 2011). Only time will tell.

Multiple Intelligences Defining intelligence as a g-factor (general ability) has been contro- versial. For example, consider William, a grade-school student two years behind in reading, who shows his teacher how to solve a dif- ficult computer-programming problem. Or what about his class- mate, Malika, who is poor in math but plays intricate pieces of piano music? Both of these children show clear signs of what we earlier referred to as aptitudes. And, as we have seen, autistic savants like Kim Peek have even more extreme intellectual strengths and weaknesses. Such observations have convinced many psychologists that it is time to forge new, broader definitions of intelligence. Their basic goal is to better predict “real-world” success—not just the likelihood of success in school (Sternberg & Grigorenko, 2006).

The “Cubinator” solving a Rubik’s Cube at the 2007 Rubik’s Cube World Champi- onships. The winner, in 10 seconds, was a person. The Cubinator took 26 seconds. To what extent is the way the Cubinator comes up with solutions helpful for understanding how humans do it?

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Chapter 9322

Knowledge Builder Heredity, Environment, and Alternate

Views of Intelligence RECITE 1. Selective breeding for desirable characteristics is called

______________________________. 2. The closest similarity in IQs would be observed for

a. parents and their children b. identical twins reared apart c. frater- nal twins reared together d. siblings reared together

3. Most psychologists believe that intelligence is 90 percent hereditary. T or F?

4. Except for slight variations during testing, IQ cannot be changed. T or F? 5. Reaction time has been used as a measure of ___________________

intelligence. a. experiential b. neural c. reflective d. analytical

6. According to Howard Gardner’s theory, which of the following is not measured by traditional IQ tests? a. intrapersonal skills b. spatial skills c. logical skills d. linguistic skills

REFLECT Think Critically

7. Dropping out of school can lower tested IQ and attending school can raise it. What do these observations reveal about intelligence tests?

8. Is it ever accurate to describe a machine as “intelligent”?

Frames of Mind One such psychologist is Howard Gardner of Harvard University. Gardner (2003, 2004, 2008) theorizes that there are actually eight distinctly different kinds of intelligence. These are different mental “languages” that people use for thinking. Each is listed below, with examples of pursuits that make use of them.

1. Language (linguistic abilities)—writer, lawyer, comedian. 2. Logic and math (numeric abilities)—scientist, accountant,

programmer. 3. Visual and spatial (pictorial abilities)—engineer, inventor,

artist. 4. Music (musical abilities)—composer, musician, music critic. 5. Bodily-kinesthetic (physical abilities)—dancer, athlete, surgeon. 6. Intrapersonal (self-knowledge)—poet, actor, minister. 7. Interpersonal (social abilities)—psychologist, teacher,

politician. 8. Naturalist (an ability to understand the natural environ-

ment)—biologist, medicine man, organic farmer.

To simplify a great deal, people can be “word smart,” “number smart,” “picture smart,” “music smart,” “body smart,” “self smart,” “people smart,” and/or “nature smart.”

Most of us are probably strong in only a few types of intelli- gence. In contrast, geniuses like Albert Einstein seem to be able to use nearly all of the intelligences, as needed, to solve problems.

If Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences is correct, tradi- tional IQ tests measure only a part of real-world intelligence— namely, linguistic, logical-mathematical, and spatial abilities. A further implication is that our schools may be wasting a lot of human potential (Campbell, Campbell, & Dickinson, 2003). For

example, some children might find it easier to learn math or read- ing if these topics were tied into art, music, dance, drama, and so on. Already, many schools are using Gardner’s theory to cultivate a wider range of skills and talents (Campbell, Campbell, & Dickin- son, 2003; Kornhaber & Gardner, 2006).

A Look Ahead As promised earlier, the Psychology in Action section of this chapter addresses questions concerning the validity of intelligence tests and their fairness to various groups. The issues raised go to the heart of the question “What is intelligence?” In addition to being highly interesting and culturally relevant, this topics should round out your understanding of intelligence.

According to Howard Gardner’s theory, bodily-kinesthetic skills reflect one of eight distinct types of intelligence.

Self-Reflect

Why do you think studies of hereditary and environmental influences on intelligence have provoked such emotional debate? Which side of the debate would you expect each of the following people to favor: teacher, parent, school administrator, politician, medical doctor, liberal, conserva- tive, bigot?

Would you rather have your own intelligence measured with a speed of processing test or a traditional IQ test? Why?

Here’s a mnemonic: New experiences reflect three kinds of intelligence. Can you define neural, experiential, and reflective intelligence in your own words?

Make your own list of specialized intelligences. How many items on your list correspond to the 8 intelligences identified by Gardner?

Answers: 1. eugenics 2. b 3. F 4. F 5. b 6. a 7. Such observations remind us that intelligence tests are affected by learning and that they measure knowledge as well as innate cognitive abilities. 8. Rule-driven expert sys- tems may appear “intelligent” within a narrow range of problem solving. However, they are idiots at everything else. This is usually not what we have in mind when discussing human intelligence.

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Intelligence 323

Multiple intelligences Howard Gardner’s theory that there are several specialized types of intellectual ability.

you may actually know what your IQ is. If not, the following self-administered test will provide a rough estimate of your IQ. Most people are curious about how they would score on an intelligence test. Why not give the Dove test a try?

If you scored 14 on this exam, your IQ is approximately 100, indicating average intelli- gence. If you scored 10 or less, you are intel- lectually disabled. With luck and the help of a special educational program, we may be able to teach you a few simple skills!

Isn’t the Dove Test a little unfair? No, it is very unfair. It was written in 1971 by African- American sociologist Adrian Dove as “a half serious attempt to show that we’re just not talking the same language.” Dove tried to slant his test as much in favor of urban, Afri- can American culture as he believes the typi- cal intelligence test is biased toward a Euro- pean American, middle-class background ( Jones, 2003). (Because of its age, the test is probably now also unfair even for younger African Americans.)

Dove’s test is a thought-provoking reply to the fact that African American children score an average of about 15 points lower on stan- dardized IQ tests than European American children. By reversing the bias, Dove has shown that intelligence tests are not equally valid for all groups. Psychologist Jerome Kagan once remarked, “If the Wechsler and Binet scales were translated into Spanish, Swahili, and Chinese and given to every 10-year-old in Latin America, East Africa, and China, the majority would obtain IQ scores in the mentally retarded range.”

Culture-Fair Testing Certainly we cannot believe that children of different cultures are all intellectually dis- abled. The fault must lie with the test (White, 2006). Cultural values, traditions, and experi- ences can greatly affect performance on tests designed for Western cultures (Sternberg & Grigorenko, 2005; Neisser et al., 1996). For example, our culture places a high value on logic and formal reasoning. Other cultures regard intuition as an important part of what it means to be smart (Norenzayan et al., 2002). Imagine giving the Stanford-Binet to a

Intelligent Intelligence Testing—User Beware!Psychology in Action

Gateway Question 9.8: Is there a downside to intelligence testing? During their lifetimes, most people take an intelligence test, or one of the closely related scholastic aptitude tests. If you have ever taken an individually administered IQ test,

Time limit: 5 minutes. Circle the correct answer. 1. T-bone Walker got famous for playing

what? a. trombone b. piano c. T-flute

d. guitar e. “hambone” 2. A “gas head” is a person who has a a. fast-moving car. b. stable of “lace.”

c. “process.” d. habit of stealing cars. e. long jail record for arson

3. If you throw the dice and 7 is showing on the top, what is facing down? a. 7 b. snake eyes c. boxcars d. little

joes e. 11 4. Cheap chitlings (not the kind you

purchase at a frozen-food counter) will taste rubbery unless they are cooked long enough. How soon can you quit cooking them to eat and enjoy them? a. 45 minutes b. 2 hours c. 24 hours

d. 1 week (on a low flame) e. 1 hour

5. Bird or Yardbird was the jacket jazz lovers from coast to coast hung on a. Lester Young b. Peggy Lee

c. Benny Goodman d. Charlie Parker e. Birdman of Alcatraz

6. A “handkerchief head” is a. a cool cat. b. a porter. c. an Uncle

Tom. d. a hoddi. e. a preacher 7. Jet is

a. an East Oakland motorcycle club. b. one of the gangs in West Side Story. c. a news and gossip magazine. d. a way of life for the very rich

Dove Counterbalance Intelligence Test

8. “Bo Diddley” is a a. game for children. b. down-home

cheap wine. c. down-home singer. d. new dance. e. Moejoe call

9. Which word is most out of place here? a. splib b. blood c. gray d. spook

e. black 10. If a pimp is uptight with a woman who

gets state aid, what does he mean when he talks about “Mother’s Day”?

a. second Sunday in May b. third Sunday in June c. first of every month d. none of these e. first and fifteenth of every month

11. Many people say that “Juneteenth” ( June 10th) should be made a legal holiday because this was the day when

a. the slaves were freed in the United States. b. the slaves were freed in Texas. c. the slaves were freed in Jamaica. d. the slaves were freed in California. e. Martin Luther King was born. f. Booker T. Washington died

12. If a man is called a “blood,” then he is a a. fighter b. Mexican-American

c. Black d. hungry hemophile e. red man or Indian

13. What are the Dixie Hummingbirds? a. a part of the KKK b. a swamp

disease c. a modern gospel group d. a Mississippi Negro paramilitary strike force e. deacons

14. The opposite of square is a. round. b. up c. down d. hip

e. lame

Answers: 1. d 2. c 3. a 4. c 5. d 6. c 7. c 8. c 9. c 10. c 11. b 12. c 13. c 14. d

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Chapter 9324 Chapter 9324

in St. Louis and found that the African Amer- ican group averaged 36 points higher than the European American group.

Second, it is no secret that as a group African Americans are more likely than European Americans to live in environments that are physically, educationally, and intel- lectually impoverished. When unequal edu- cation is part of the equation, IQs may tell us little about how heredity affects intelligence (Sternberg, Grigorenko, & Kidd, 2005; Suzuki & Aronson, 2005). Indeed, one study found that placing poor African American children into European American adoptive families increased the children’s IQs by an average of 13 points, bringing them into line with those of European American children (Nisbett, 2005). That is, providing African American children with the same environ- mental experiences available to European American children erased IQ differences.

A tantalizing hint that lower African American IQ scores are not genetic is pro- vided by Ray Friedman and his colleagues at Vanderbilt University who administered a 20-item test to African American and Euro- pean American students. Before the election of Barack Obama, African American stu- dents performed more poorly than European American students. During the election, African American students performed just as well as their European American counter- parts. Apparently, President Obama is pro- viding a role model, inspiring better academic performance in African American students (Tite, 2009).

Further, although IQ predicts school per- formance, it does not predict later career suc- cess (McClelland, 1994). In this regard, “street smarts,” or what psychologist Robert Sternberg calls practical intelligence (Stemler & Sternberg, 2006), is often seen by minority cultures as more important than “book learn- ing,” or what Sternberg calls analytic intelli- gence (Sankofa et al., 2005).

Most psychologists have concluded that there is no scientific evidence that group dif- ferences in average IQ are based on genetics. In fact, studies that used actual blood group testing found no significant correlations between ethnic ancestry and IQ scores. This is because it does not even make genetic sense to talk about “races” at all—obvious external markers, like skin color, have little to do with underlying genetic differences (Bonham et al., 2005; Sternberg, 2007). Group differences in

IQ and Race Historically, African American children in the United States scored an average of about 15  points lower on standardized IQ tests than European-American children. As a group, Japanese American children scored above average in IQ. Could such differences be genetic? One persistent claim is that Afri- can Americans score below average in IQ because of their “genetic heritage” and because they are genetically incapable of climbing out of poverty (Hernstein & Mur- ray, 1994; Rushton & Jensen, 2005). Psy- chologists have responded to such claims with a number of counterarguments.

First, psychologists reiterate the point made by the Dove Test. The assumptions, biases, and content of standard IQ tests do not always allow meaningful comparisons between ethnic, cultural, or racial groups (White, 2006). As Leon Kamin (1981) says, “The important fact is that we cannot say which sex (or race) might be more intelligent, because we have no way of measuring ‘intelli- gence.’ We have only IQ tests.”

Kamin’s point is that the makers of IQ tests decided in advance to use test items that would give men and women equal IQ scores. It would be just as easy to put together an IQ test that would give African Americans and European Americans equal scores. Differ- ences in IQ scores are not a fact of nature, but a decision by the test makers. That’s why European Americans do better on IQ tests written by European Americans, and African Americans do better on IQ tests devised by African Americans. Another example of this fact is an intelligence test made up of 100  words selected from the Dictionary of Afro-American Slang. Williams (1975) gave the test to 100  African American and 100 European American high school students

young Bushman hunter. If tracking prey is what he values and is good at, then what would it mean if (when?) he got a low IQ score? (Feel free to reread “Intelligence— How Would a Fool Do It?” near the begin- ning of this chapter.)

To avoid this problem, some psychologists have tried to develop culture-fair tests that do not disadvantage certain groups. A culture- fair test is designed to minimize the impor- tance of skills and knowledge that may be more common in some cultures than in oth- ers. (For a sample of culture-fair test items, see • Figure 9.9.)

Culture-fair tests attempt to measure intelligence without, as much as possible, being influenced by a person’s verbal skills, cultural background, and educational level. Their value lies not just in testing people from other cultures. They are also useful for testing children in the United States who come from poor communities, rural areas, or ethnic minority families (Stephens et al., 1999). However, no intelligence test can be entirely free of cultural influences. For instance, our culture is very “visual,” because children are constantly exposed to television, movies, video games, and the like. Thus, compared with children in developing countries, a child who grows up in the United States may be better prepared to take both nonverbal tests and traditional IQ tests.

Since the concept of intelligence exhibits diversity across cultures, many psychologists have begun to stress the need to rethink the concept of intelligence itself (Greenfield, 1997; Sternberg & Grigorenko, 2005). If we are to find a truly culture-fair way to measure intelli- gence, we first need to identify those core cog- nitive skills that lie at the heart of human intel- ligence the world around (Gardner, 2008; Henrich, Heine, & Norenzayan, 2010).

?

1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5

?

(a) Sample series problem (b) Sample matrix problem

• Figure 9.9 Sample items like those often found on culture-fair intelligence tests. (a) Sample series problem. Which pattern correctly continues the series of patterns shown at the top left? (Number 4.) (b) Sample matrix problem. Which pattern fits best completes the matrix of patterns shown at the top right? (Number 1.) The idea is that the ability to read and the mastery of culturally relevant knowledge should not be necessary to do well. Nev- ertheless, do you think illiterate street orphans from Sao Paulo, Brazil, or Aboriginals living in the desert of the Aus- tralian outback would find these items as easy to complete as you did? If not, can you think of any alternative truly culture-fair ways to test intelligence across different cultures?

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Intelligence 325 Intelligence 325

Culture-fair test A test designed to minimize the importance of skills and knowledge that may be more common in some cultures than in others.

tests, overuse of class time to prepare students for the tests (instead of teaching general skills), and in the case of intelligence tests, the charge that tests are often biased. Also, most standardized tests demand passive rec- ognition of facts, assessed with a multiple- choice format. They do not, for the most part, test a person’s ability to think critically or creatively or to apply knowledge to solve problems. Various “high-stakes tests,” which can make or break a person’s career could be improved by: (1) removing all questions that favor one group over another; (2) using digi- tal video-based testing, when possible, to reduce the importance of verbal skills; and (3) providing a pre-test orientation for all test takers, so that people who can afford coach- ing won’t have an unfair advantage (Sackett et al., 2001).

High Stakes Testing Intelligence tests are a double-edged sword; we have learned much from their use yet they have the potential to do great harm. In the final analysis, it is impor- tant to remember—as Howard Gardner has pointed out—that creativity, motivation, physical health, mechanical aptitude, artistic ability, and numerous other qualities not mea- sured by intelligence tests contribute to the achievement of life goals. Also, remember that IQ is not intelligence. IQ is an index of intelligence (as narrowly defined by a particu- lar test). Change the test and you change the score. An IQ is not some permanent number stamped on the forehead of a child that for- ever determines his or her potential. The real issue is what skills people have, not what their test scores are (Hunt, 1995).

The Whole Human: Wisdom In the final analysis, intelligence reflects devel- opment as well as potential, nurture as well as nature (Grigorenko, 2005). Moreover, the fact that intelligence is partly determined by heredity tells us little of any real value. Genes are fixed at birth. Improving the environ- ments in which children learn and grow is the

group of college students with straight A’s to another group with poor grades, he found no differences in later career success (McClelland, 1994).

Standardized Testing In addition to IQ tests, 400  to 500  million standardized multiple-choice tests are given in schools and workplaces around the nation each year. Many, like the SAT Reasoning Test, may determine whether a person is admitted to college. Other tests—for employment, licensing, and certification—directly affect the lives of thousands by qualifying or dis- qualifying them for jobs.

Widespread reliance on standardized intel- ligence tests and aptitude tests raises questions about the relative good and harm they do. On the positive side, tests can open opportunities as well as close them. A high test score may allow a disadvantaged youth to enter college, or it may identify a child who is bright but emotionally disturbed. Test scores may also be fairer and more objective than arbitrary judg- ments made by admissions officers or employ- ment interviewers. Also, tests do accurately predict academic performance. The fact that academic performance does not predict later success may call for an overhaul of college course work, not an end to testing.

On the negative side, mass testing can occasionally exclude people of obvious abil- ity. In one case, a student who was seventh in his class at Columbia University, and a mem- ber of Phi Beta Kappa, was denied entrance to law school because he had low scores on the Law School Admissions Test. Other com- plaints relate to the frequent appearance of bad or ambiguous questions on standardized

IQ scores are based on cultural and environ- mental diversity, as much as on heredity (Neisser et al., 1996; Nisbett, 2005). To con- clude otherwise reflects political beliefs and biases, not scientific facts.

Questioning IQ—Beyond the Numbers Game African Americans are not the only segment of the population with reason to question the validity of intelligence testing and the role of heredity in determining intelligence. The clarifications they have won extend to others as well.

Consider the 9-year-old child confronted with this question on an intelligence test: “Which of the following does not belong with the others? Roller skates, airplane, train, bicycle.” If the child fails to answer “airplane,” does it reveal a lack of intelligence? It can be argued that an intelligent choice could be based on any of these alternatives: Roller skates are not typically used for transporta- tion; an airplane is the only nonland item; a train can’t be steered; a bicycle is the only item with just two wheels. The parents of a child who misses this question may have reason to be angry since educational systems tend to classify children and then make the label stick.

Court decisions have led some states to outlaw the use of intelligence tests in public schools. Criticism of intelligence testing has also come from the academic community. Har- vard University psychologist David McClel- land believes that IQ is of little value in predict- ing real competence to deal effectively with the world. McClelland concedes that IQ predicts school performance, but when he compared a

“Yes We Can.” President Obama’s intelligence is inspiring millions of Americans and others around the world to aspire to greater aca- demic success. His example is particularly important to African Americans.

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Chapter 9326 Chapter 9326

convergent thinking, intelligence, and reason, spiced with creativity and originality (Meeks & Jeste, 2009). People who are wise approach life with openness and tolerance (Helson & Srivastava, 2002).

tests may make a total mess of her life. Like- wise, people can be intelligent without being creative; and clear, rational thinking can lead to correct, but uninspired, answers (Solomon, Marshall, & Gardner, 2005). In many areas of human life, wisdom represents a mixture of

main way in which we can ensure that they reach their full potential (Grigorenko & Sternberg, 2003; White, 2006).

Perhaps most importantly, people can be intelligent without being wise. For example, a person who does well in school and on IQ

Chapter in Review Gateways to Intelligence

9.1 How do psychologists define intelligence? 9.1.1 Intelligence refers to the general capacity (or g-factor)

to act purposefully, think rationally, and deal effectively with the environment.

9.1.2 In practice, intelligence is operationally defined by intelligence tests, which provide a useful but narrow estimate of real-world intelligence.

9.1.3 General intelligence is distinguished from specific aptitudes. Special aptitude tests and multiple aptitude tests are used to assess a person’s capacities for learning various abilities. Aptitude tests measure a narrower range of abilities than general intelligence tests do.

9.1.4 To be of any value, a psychological test must be reliable (give consistent results). A worthwhile test must also have validity, meaning that it measures what it claims to measure. Widely used

intelligence tests are also objective (they give the same result when scored by different people) and standardized (the same procedures are always used in giving the test, and norms have been established so that scores can be interpreted).

9.2 What are typical IQ tests like? 9.2.1 The first practical intelligence test was assembled by

Alfred Binet. A modern version of Binet’s test is the Stanford- Binet Intelligence Scales—Fifth Edition (SB5).

9.2.2 A second major intelligence test is the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-Fourth Edition (WAIS-IV). Wechsler’s children’s version is the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children—Fourth Edi- tion (WISC-IV).

9.2.3 The SB5, WAIS-IV, and WISC-IV measure both ver- bal and performance intelligence.

Gateway QUESTIONS REVISITED

Knowledge Builder Intelligence Testing in Perspective

RECITE 1. The WAIS-IV, Stanford-Binet 5, and Dove Test are all culture-fair intel-

ligence scales. T or F? 2. The claim that heredity accounts for racial differences in average IQ

ignores environmental differences and the cultural bias inherent in standard IQ tests. T or F?

3. IQ scores predict school performance. T or F? 4. IQ is not intelligence; it is one index of intelligence. T or F?

REFLECT Think Critically

5. Assume that a test of memory for words is translated from English to Spanish. Would the Spanish version of the test be equal in difficulty to the English version?

Self-Reflect

Do you think it would be possible to create an intelligence test that is uni- versally culture-fair? What would its questions look like? Can you think of any type of question that wouldn’t favor the mental skills emphasized by some culture, somewhere in the world?

Funding for schools in some states varies greatly in rich and poor neighborhoods. Imagine that a politician opposes spending more money on disadvantaged students because she believes it would “just be a waste.” What arguments can you offer against her assertion?

In your own opinion, what are the advantages of using standardized tests to select applicants for college, graduate school, and professional schools? What are the disadvantages?

Answers: 1. F 2. T 3. T 4. T 5. Probably not, because the Spanish words might be longer or shorter than the same words in English. The Spanish words might also sound more or less alike than words on the original test. Translating an intelligence test into another language can subtly change the meaning and difficulty of test items.

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Intelligence 327

9.2.4 In addition to individual tests, intelligence tests have also been produced for use with groups. A group test of historical interest is the Army Alpha. The SAT, the ACT, and the CQT are group scholastic aptitude tests. Although narrower in scope than IQ tests, they bear some similarities to them.

9.2.5 Intelligence is expressed in terms of an intelligence quotient (IQ). IQ is defined as mental age (MA) divided by chronological age (CA) and then multiplied by 100. An “average” IQ of 100 occurs when mental age equals chronological age.

9.2.6 Modern IQ tests no longer calculate IQs directly. Instead, the final score reported by the test is a deviation IQ.

9.2.7 IQ scores become fairly stable at about age 6, and they become increasingly reliable thereafter.

9.3 How do IQ scores relate to sex, age, and occupation? 9.3.1 The distribution of IQ scores approximates a normal

curve. 9.3.2 There are no overall differences between males and

females in tested intelligence. However, very small sex differences may result from the intellectual skills our culture encourages males and females to develop.

9.3.3 On average, IQ scores continue to gradually increase until middle age. Later intellectual declines are moderate for most people until their 70s. Aging also involves a shift from fluid intel- ligence to crystallized intelligence.

9.3.4 IQ is related to school grades and job status. The sec- ond association may be somewhat artificial because educational credentials are required for entry into many occupations.

9.4 What does IQ tell us about genius? 9.4.1 People with IQs in the gifted or “genius” range of

above 140 tend to be superior in many respects. 9.4.2 By criteria other than IQ, a large proportion of chil-

dren might be considered gifted or talented in one way or another. Intellectually gifted children often have difficulties in average classrooms and benefit from special accelerated programs.

9.5 What causes intellectual disability? 9.5.1 People with the savant syndrome combine intellectual

disability with exceptional ability in a very limited skill. 9.5.2 The term intellectually disabled is applied to those

whose IQ falls below 70 or who lack various adaptive behaviors. 9.5.3 Current classifications of intellectual disability are:

mild (50–55 to 70), moderate (35–40 to 50–55), severe (20–25 to 35–40), and profound (below 20–25). Chances for educational success are related to the degree of intellectual disability.

9.5.4 Many cases of subnormal intelligence are thought to be the result of familial intellectual disability, a generally low level

of educational and intellectual stimulation in the home, coupled with poverty and poor nutrition.

9.5.5 About 50 percent of the cases of intellectual disabil- ity are organic, caused by birth injuries, fetal damage, metabolic disorders, or genetic abnormalities. The remaining cases are of undetermined cause.

9.5.6 Six distinct forms of organic intellectual disability are Down syndrome, fragile X syndrome, phenylketonuria (PKU), microcephaly, hydrocephaly, and cretinism.

9.6 How do heredity and environment affect intelligence? 9.6.1 Studies of eugenics in animals and familial relation-

ships in humans demonstrate that intelligence is partially deter- mined by heredity. However, environment is also important, as revealed by changes in tested intelligence induced by schooling and stimulating environments.

9.6.2 There is evidence that some elements of intelligence can be taught. Intelligence, therefore, reflects the combined effects of both heredity and environment in the development of intellec- tual abilities.

9.7 Are there alternate views of intelligence? 9.7.1 Some psychologists are investigating the neural basis

for intelligence, especially the speed of processing various kinds of information and the size of brain areas related to intelligence.

9.7.2 Cognitive psychologists believe that successful intelli- gence depends on thinking and problem solving skills. Metacogni- tive skills, in particular, contribute greatly to intelligent behavior.

9.7.3 Artificial intelligence refers to any artificial system that can perform tasks that require intelligence when done by people. Two principal areas of artificial intelligence research on particular human skills are computer simulations and expert systems.

9.7.4 Many psychologists have begun to forge new, broader definitions of intelligence. Howard Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences is a good example of this trend.

9.8 Is there a downside to intelligence testing? 9.8.1 Traditional IQ tests often suffer from a degree of cul-

tural bias. 9.8.2 African Americans are unfairly stigmatized because of

historically poor performance on standardized IQ tests. 9.8.3 It is wise to remember that IQ is merely an index of

intelligence and that intelligence is narrowly defined by most tests. 9.8.4 The use of standard IQ tests for educational place-

ment of students (especially into special education classes) has been prohibited by law in some states. Whether this is desirable and beneficial to students is currently being debated.

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Chapter 9328

Fragile X Find out more about autism and fragile X syndrome from the National Fragile X Foundation.

Mind vs. Machine Read an amusing article about the Loebner Prize, one of the holy grails of artificial intelligence.

RuBot II, The Cubinator – A Rubik’s Cube Solving Robot Watch a robot solve a Rubik’s cube.

Multiple Intelligences in Education Learn more about Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences and how it is being applied in education.

Be Careful of How You Define Intelligence An article about cross- cultural differences in intelligence.

The Bell Curve Flattened An article that summarizes objections to The Bell Curve.

The Genographic Project Trace your own ancestry.

The Knowns and Unknowns of Intelligence From the APA, what is known about intelligence and intelligence tests.

Web Resources Internet addresses frequently change. To find an up-to-date list of URLs for the sites listed here, visit your Psychology CourseMate.

IQ Tests Provides links to a number of IQ tests.

American Mensa Mensa is an international society that has one qualification only for membership: an IQ score in the top 2 percent of the population on a standardized intelligence test.

Gifted Children Learn more about giftedness from the National Association for Gifted Children.

Helping Your Highly Gifted Child Advice for parents of gifted children.

Intellectual Disabilities Learn more about intellectual disability from the American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities (AAIDD).

Down Syndrome Find out more about Down syndrome from the National Down Syndrome Society.

MEDIA RESOURCES

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A functionalist would likely ask which one of the following questions about socially assistive robots?
a. How will socially assistive robots affect interaction?
b. What meanings do people assign to socially assistive robots?
c. Who benefits from socially assistive robots and at whose expense?
d. What are the intended and unintended consequences of socially assistive robots?                                  1 points
Question 5 Which of the following is a false statement about the characteristics of high-quality sociological research?
a. Sociological findings endure as long as the research process can be replicated.
b. Once a sociological study is completed, findings are considered final.
c. Sociologists strive to be objective.
d. Sociologists invite others to critique their work.                                                                                                1 points
Question 6 Which one of the following phrases would Marx be least likely to use to describe capitalism?
a. blood-sucking
b. a boundless thirst
c. a werewolf-like hunger
d. socially conscious 1 points
Question 7 The early sociologists were witnesses to the transforming effects of the
a. the Industrial Revolution.
b. World War II.
c. World War I.
d. War in Afghanistan. 1 points
Question 8 Each of the _____ offers a central question to direct thinking and key concepts to organize answers.
a. negotiated order b. social actions
c. theoretical perspectives
d. methods of research 1 points
Question 9 _____ is the theorist most likely to draw attention to unconditional basic income as a response to widespread unemployment.
a. Karl Marx
b. Max Weber
c. Auguste Comte
d. Emile Durkheim 1 points
Question 10 _____ is the sociologist who focused on the factors that strengthen, weaken, or otherwise shape the character of social ties.
a. Karl Marx
b. Emile Durkheim
c. W.E.B Dubois
d. Max Weber 1 points
Question 11 Smart phones, introduced in 1996, are now a global-scale phenomenon. Some people in remote locations have embraced smart phone apps that connect them with health care providers anywhere in the world. This development illustrates the twin forces of
a. industrialization and mechanization.
b. globalization and glocalization.
c. troubles and issues.
d. human activity and media. 1 points
Question 12 The _____ is the best perspective to draw upon for exploring human-robot interactions. a
. social action theory
b. functionalist
c. symbolic interaction
d. conflict 1 points
Question 13 The defining feature of the Industrial Revolution was
a. solidarity.
b. mechanization.
c. standardization.
d. modernization. 1 points
Question 14 The question “Who benefits from a particular pattern or social arrangement?” is of most interest to a(n)
a. conflict theorist.
b. symbolic interactionist.
c. action theorist.
d. functionalist. 1 points
Question 15 “Knowing one another better reinforces the common connection such that the potential for caring and empathetic moral actions increase.” This statement summarizes the essence of a. sympathetic knowledge.
b. double consciousness.
c. solidarity.
d. division of labor. 1 points
Question 16 An employer tells workers “If you aren’t happy with the pay and working conditions here, go work somewhere else! It’s a free country.” Conflict theorists call this line of reasoning
a. cultural relativity.
b. sympathetic knowledge.
c. good business practice.
d. the façade of legitimacy. 1 points
Question 17 The Communist Manifesto is a famous pamphlet that _____ co-authored with Fredrich Engels.
a. Emile Durkheim.
b. Karl Marx.
c. Max Weber.
d. W.E.B. DuBois. 1 points
Question 18 When in a nation of 150 million workers, 24 million are unemployed, that is
a. a crime.
b. a trouble.
c. an issue.
d. personal tragedy. 1 points
Question 19 Which of the following would be the best option to obtain a representative sample of students at your college?
a. At random, draw a list of students from the most recent college registrar’s list.
b. Stop students as they are walking to their cars in parking lots and ask them to participate.
c. Ask all of the sociology majors to participate in the study.
d. Ask students eating in the cafeteria at lunchtime to participate in an important study. 1 points
Question 20 The term ___________________ describes a state in which ties attaching individuals to others in the society are weak.
a. egoistic
b. fatalistic
c. altruistic
d. anomic 1 points
Question 21 Jared lives in a consumption-oriented culture. He decides to do historical research to understand how a country might develop a conservation-oriented way of life. Jared’s approach is influenced by
a. Max Weber.
b. Emile Durkheim.
c. Karl Marx.
d. Auguste Comte. 1 points
Question 22 When Oreo cookies are transplanted into a new setting and then changed to fit local tastes, the process is known as
a. globalization.
b. industrialization.
c. glocalization.
d. the sociological imagination. 1 points
Question 23 The high school dropout rate in the United States is greater than 25 percent. C. Wright Mills would classify this situation as
a. an issue.
b. a trouble.
c. value-rational action.
d. a social fact. 1 points
Question 24 Lee’s research involving Snackbot showed that under the right conditions, people can form collegial (even social) relationships with workplace robots. This finding relates to the _____ perspective.
a. functionalist
b. symbolic interactionist
c. social action
d. conflict 1 points
Question 25 Marx believed that ________ was the first economic system that could maximize the immense productive potential of human labor and ingenuity.
a. democracy
b. capitalism
c. socialism
d. communism 1 points
Question 26 According to functionalists, poverty exists because
a. somebody has to be on the bottom.
b. it contributes in some way to the stability of an existing social order.
c. the poor lack the drive to do better.
d. the poor are largely unmotivated to work. 1 points
Question 27 One unintended or unexpected disruption of socially assistive robots is that people may actually prefer the company of robots over fellow humans. This situation represents
a. manifest dysfunction.
b. manifest function.
c. latent dysfunction.
d. latent function. 1 points
Question 28 As driveless technologies are developed we anticipate that 1.6 million long-distance truck drivers will be at risk of losing their jobs. This situation is an example of
a. an issue.
b. an opportunity.
c. a trouble.
d. a personal crisis. 1 points
Question 29 Behavior influenced by the attention one receives from being the subject of a research study is the
a. latent effect.
b. experimental effect.
c. Hawthorne effect.
d. special subject effect. 1 points
Question 30 Which one of the following aspects of the globalization process would Weber be most concerned?
a. The ways in which globalization reduces wages.
b. The ways in which globalization undermines behavior motivated by tradition.
c. The way in which globalization creates hardships for low-income households.
d. The way in which globalization undermines local ties. 1 points
Question 31 Which of the following is something symbolic interactionists emphasize? a. outcomes b. negotiated order c. functions d. means of production 1 points
Question 32 If an individual pursues a college degree because everyone in his or her family going back five generations is college-educated, the action can be classified as
a. value-rational.
b. instrumental rational
c. traditional.
d. affectional. 1 points
Question 33 Which one of the following sociologists would most likely advocate for putting low-cost technologies such as smart phones into the hands of those who are disadvantaged?
a. Max Weber
b. Jane Addams
c. Emile Durkheim
d. Auguste Comte 1 points
Question 34 A trial explanation predicting a relationship between independent and dependent variables is a(n)
a. theory.
b. fact.
c. observation.
d. hypothesis. 1 points
Question 35 If one respondent gives different answers to the same question at two different points in time, the researcher should be concerned about
a. reliability.
b. the Hawthorne effect.
c. representativeness.
d. validity. 1 points
Question 36 Which one of the following assumptions applies to the scientific method?
a. Research findings can be manipulated to advance a good cause.
b. Knowledge is acquired through observation.
c. Truth is confirmed through faith.
d. Research finding should not be replicated. 1 points
Question 37 W.E.B. Dubois traced the origin of _________ to the scramble for Africa’s resources, beginning with the slave trade.
a. disenchantment
b. the color line
c. troubles
d. double consciousness 1 points
Question 38 Which one of the following statements represents a criticism of the functionalist perspective?
a. It leaves us wondering about a part’s overall effect.
b. It focuses on the “small stuff.”
c. It is too liberal.
d. It focuses on the “have nots.” 1 points
Question 39 Jamie gains first-hand knowledge about poverty by working at a food bank. This kind of knowledge is known as, a. social research. b. sympathetic knowledge. c. solidarity. d. double consciousness. 1 points
Question 40 Researchers should maintain objectivity. This means they should
a. not accept funding from outside sources.
b. not let personal and subjective views about the topic influence observations or outcome of research.
c. refuse to share data with others.
d. stay away from topics in which they have a personal interest. 1 points
Question 41 The actions of someone who always gives their best effort and never cuts corners would qualify as ____ action.
a. affective
b. instrumental rational
c. traditional
d. value rational 1 points
Question 42 If socially assistive robots assume caregiving roles, a number of unanticipated consequences may occur such as the elimination of sexual abuse. This unanticipated consequence is a a. manifest function.
b. latent function.
c. manifest dysfunction.
d. latent dysfunction. 1 points
Question 43 Which one of the following statements describes the best way to apply the three perspectives?
a. Most sociologists analyze an issue using one perspective.
b. We can acquire a more complete view of something by applying all three perspectives.
c. Only one perspective can give us a complete picture of a process or an event.
d. The three perspectives should be viewed as opposing viewpoints. 1 points
Question 44 Jane Addams maintained that Hull House
a. was the equivalent of an applied university.
b. was a failed experiment in social engineering.
c. could not deliver services that helped working poor.
d. was analogous to a community college. 1 points
Question 45 Auguste Comte recommended that sociologists study
a. the color line.
b. the things people have created.
c. conflict as in agent of change.
d. the ties that bind. 1 points
Question 46 The obesity rate in the United States is greater than 30 percent. According to Mills, the key to resolving this issue involves focusing on a. the character flaws of the 92 million plus Americans who are obese.
b. getting people to eat less.
c. addressing the underlying social forces that contribute to obesity. d. ways to get the obese to want to lose weight. 1 points Question 47 Which one of the following concepts applies to the façade of legitimacy?
a. fair analysis
b. misleading
c. logical
d. well-documented assertions 1 points
Question 48 The question “Is this operational definition really measuring what it claims to measure?” addresses concerns surrounding
a. correlations.
b. sampling.
c. validity.
d. reliability. 1 points
Question 49 The economic system accompanying and driving the Industrial Revolution was
a. the welfare state.
b. socialism.
c. communism.
d. capitalism. 1 points
Question 50 The gay pride movement can be traced to 1897 in Berlin Germany and has spread to various locations around the world. 115 years later the first gay bar was established in Lamai Beach, Thailand. This movement illustrates the twin forces of
a. industrialization and mechanization.
b. troubles and issues.
c. globalization and glocalization.
d. human activity and media.
 
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