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Paper Human Sexuality homework help

Paper Human Sexuality homework help

Preface

This past year was tough, making the switch to LeVay et al., but I’m glad I did it. Discovering Human Sexuality is unique in both approach and content. The authors have a point of view, but still provide balanced coverage of contro- versial issues. The boxes are wonderful. One of the things I like about it is the inclusion of historical and cross-cultural detail in the boxes. It’s a very readable and beautiful book. The illustrations and diagrams are excellent—the best of any text I have ever used. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

Josephine Caldwell-Ryan Southern Methodist University

Discovering Human Sexuality, Third Edition, is the continuation of a textbook that originated in 2003 with the publication of Human Sexuality by Simon LeVay and Sharon Valente. Since then, the book has gone through several changes of author- ship, format, and title. One consistency, however, has been the identity of the lead author. Another has been the book’s high academic and pedagogical standards, which have earned it a prominent place in the market and broad praise from review- ers and users, including the kind words cited above.

The Second Edition of Human Sexuality appeared in 2006 with the same two authors. For the 2009 edition, however, Janice Baldwin replaced Sharon Valente. Also, we decided to produce two distinct versions of the book. One of them— Human Sexuality, Third Edition—continued the approach pioneered in the earlier editions. The other, which we titled Discovering Human Sexuality, was a somewhat shorter and more accessible version that demanded less prior knowledge on the part of the students, especially in the area of biol- ogy. John Baldwin joined LeVay and Janice Baldwin as third author of this version. In 2012 we continued with the same two versions (Human Sexuality, Fourth Edition, and Discover- ing Human Sexuality, Second Edition).

For the current edition we have decided to merge the two versions into one, which we have titled Discovering Human Sexuality, Third Edition. It was a difficult decision to make because both versions had been successful in the market- place and each served a somewhat different need. However, the workload involved in producing two different textbooks at the same time was excessive. In addition, we realized that we could incorporate the best features of Human Sexuality into Discovering Human Sexuality by judicious changes to the text and by the addition of two appendices containing more advanced “optional” material.

Features of Discovering Human Sexuality, Third Edition Important features of Discovering Human Sexuality distinguish our book from competing texts: (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

evidence-based approach We believe that human sexuality is an academic subject like any other, meaning that it should be grounded in reason. Throughout the book, we have sought to present statements that are supported by data, ideas that are tested or testable, and recommendations that are based on research. There are many unanswered questions in sexuality, of course—questions about how ab- normal modes of sexual expression (paraphilic disorders) develop, for example, and how best to treat them. In deal- ing with these controversies, an evidence-based approach demands a nondogmatic style and a willingness to admit that not everything is known. Some students may feel chal- lenged to enter the field of sex research themselves in order to help fill those gaps in our understanding.

Some human sexuality texts contain a great deal of advice to students, especially in the area of relationships. Much of this advice has no objective basis and seems designed more to transmit the authors’ values than to foster an authentic learning experience. In Discovering Human Sexuality, we keep the total quantity of advice down and try to ensure that the advice we do give has been “field-tested.” Even in such an elementary matter as how to put on a condom, many texts include useless steps, such as squeezing the tip of the con- dom to leave space for the ejaculate. Doing so serves no pur- pose—the man who could burst a condom with his ejaculate has yet to be born—and neither the World Health Organiza- tion nor the leading U.S. experts believe that it should be part of the instructions for condom use. It has become an element in the folklore that gets perpetuated by textbooks— though not by this one. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

Literature citations are, of course, an important element of an evidence-based book. We have been surprised by how cavalierly some competing books deal with this issue—quite commonly, citations in the text are not matched by any cor- responding entries in the bibliography. In Discovering Human Sexuality we have made every effort to ensure that references are fully documented. Another common practice that we consider unacademic is referring to original research stud- ies by citing magazine or newspaper articles that mention

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xxII PREFACE

them, rather than the journal articles in which the research was presented. Our policy has been to cite original sources wherever possible, and to use magazine and newspaper references for the kinds of topics they excel at, such as news stories, cultural trends, and the like. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help) emphasis on diversity Today’s college students come from a wide range of backgrounds, and in their adult lives they will have to deal with people very different from themselves. Our text presents this diversity in a detailed and nonjudgmental fashion. For example, with regard to sexual orientation, we go far beyond “gay,” “bisexual,” and “straight”: We talk about the ever-changing history of the butch-femme dichotomy in lesbian culture, women whose self-identity is too fluid for one-word labels, gay men who are “bears” or “bear cubs” or into the leather scene, what it’s like to be gay and Asian-American or Native American, how the gay experience differs for different generations of Americans and for gay people around the world, and so on. Similarly, we take pains to discuss racial, ethnic, and religious diversity, as they affect sexuality, and of course diversity in the actual modes of sexual behavior—including some of the more unusual forms of sexual expression such as “adult babies” and men whose partners are (liter- ally) dolls. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help) presentation style Simon LeVay, Janice Baldwin, and John Baldwin are all experienced authors of college text- books. In creating Discovering Human Sexuality, we have pooled our writing skills to ensure that the text is fully accessible, engaging, and relevant to students of diverse back- grounds. The result of these combined efforts is, we believe, the most readable and student-friendly human sexuality text on the market.

art program Another way that we have striven to maintain both comprehensibility and interest is through the illustrations. One might think that it would be a simple matter to illustrate a book on human sexuality, but in reality it is a significant challenge. Illustrating some of the concepts dis- cussed in this book, especially in its more biologically oriented sections, requires a great deal of thought and design skill. Our publisher, Sinauer Associates, is an industry leader in the use of art as a pedagogical medium. Thanks to our publisher’s efforts, many complex topics, such as the regulation of the menstrual cycle, have been given a visual representation that gracefully parallels and clarifies the accompanying text. Nearly every two-page spread in the book offers one or more illustrations—photographs, drawings, diagrams, graphs, or charts—relevant to the text on that spread. Besides their informative value, illustrations offer important visual relief. Some of our competitors’ texts contain sequences of up to ten pages without a single illustration—a definite challenge to the average student’s attention span. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help) boxes The 76 boxes are an important feature of the book. The boxes are organized into eight themes: Controversies; Biology of Sex; Cultural Diversity; Research Highlights; Sexual Health; Sex in History; Personal Points of View; and Society, Values, and the Law. Within each theme, the sub- jects range from the serious to the lighthearted, but they all attempt to broaden the reader’s horizons with a more in- depth look at specific questions than is possible within the main text: What exactly does “losing one’s virginity” mean to today’s teenagers, behaviorally and emotionally? Is there more than one kind of female ejaculation? What’s it like to be a rubber fetishist? Why do some Amazonian peoples be- lieve that a child can have several fathers? In tackling these and many other questions, the boxes provide breaks from the steady flow of the text and allow students to consider specific issues in a more relaxed and informal way.

Other aids to learning and revision include key terms (indi- cated by boldfaced type and defined in a running glossary), FAQs (frequently asked questions), discussion questions, chapter summaries, Web resources, and recommended reading materials.

Discovering Human Sexuality’s student companion web- site (sites.sinauer.com/discoveringhumansexuality3e) is an invaluable learning aid. This site parallels the text with a thorough set of study questions, animations, activities, Web topics, quizzes, and other resources. Website activities are linked to the text and are referenced in maroon type in the printed text. In addition, a complete set of instructor supple- ments is available to qualified adopters of the textbook. See the section on Media and Supplements for details on the full range of material that accompanies Discovering Human Sexuality.

The Third Edition The following are examples of the many changes that we have made for the Third Edition: zz Chapter 1, “Sexuality: Pathways to Understanding,”

has been thoroughly rewritten. It now pays less attention to the history of sex research and more to the diversity of methods that are used to study sexu- ality. We discuss a specific example of the use of each methodological approach. zz We have added discussions of many topics that

were not covered, or only briefly covered, in earlier editions. These topics include group sex (Chapter 6); data-mining studies based on OkCupid and

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other websites (Chapters 5, 12, and elsewhere); the influence of physical attractiveness on men’s and women’s satisfaction with their long-term relation- ships (Chapter 5); the new definitions of paraphilias and paraphilic disorders in DSM-5 and the contro- versy surrounding them (Chapter 13); the current debate on how to respond vigorously and yet fairly to allegations of campus rape (Chapter 16); and the personalities and attitudes of men who use prosti- tutes (Chapter 17). We have also deleted numerous passages that seemed less interesting or instructive than they were a few years ago. zz We have added 19 new boxes on a wide range of

topics, including “Foot Orgasms,” “Pain-free Child- birth,” “Feticide,” “Why Gay Genes?” “STIs and the Law,” and “What’s It Like to Be a Porn Star?” zz We have of course taken the opportunity to update

the book with the latest research, surveys, statistics, laws, medical advances, contraceptive techniques, and cultural happenings. zz The two appendices cover material that was not

included in Discovering Human Sexuality, Second Edition. We present this material in the form of appendices so that instructors may include it or not as suits the purposes of their classes and the interests and backgrounds of their students. Appendix A is an abbreviated and updated version of the chapter “Sex and Evolution” from Human Sexuality, Fourth Edi- tion. It tackles important questions that are addressed in few other undergraduate human sexuality text- books, such as: What is the adaptive value of sexual reproduction? How does sexual selection work? What are the benefits and costs of male and female promiscuity? and What is the basis of incest avoid- ance? Appendix B lays out more detail on the role of the nervous system in sexual behavior and physiol- ogy than is presented in the main text, including, for example, the anatomy and functional role of the autonomic nervous system in genital responses. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

Acknowledgments Producing a modern college textbook such as this one requires the combined efforts of a much larger team of professionals than the three of us who are privileged to have our names on the front cover. The staff members of Sinauer Associates have produced, with great efficiency and good humor, a textbook of outstanding visual quality and educational value. Those with whom we have had the most enduring contacts are editor Sydney Carroll, produc- tion editor Martha Lorantos, and photo researcher David

McIntyre, but many others labored behind the scenes to ensure the book’s high quality and timely production. We are especially grateful for the production oversight of Janice Holabird and Christopher Small, and for the creative cover design by Joan Gemme. We also thank Lou Doucette for her skillful copyediting; Jason Dirks, Carolyn Mailler, Mara Sil- ver, Suzanne Carter, Ann Chiara, Thomas Friedmann, and Nate Nolet for their work on the media and supplements package; Marie Scavotto, Nancy Asai, and Susan McGlew for their effective work promoting the book; Johanna Walko- wicz for obtaining outside reviews; and Penny Grant for sending us our checks on time!

Reviewers We acknowledge with gratitude the extensive and construc- tive comments made by the people who reviewed chapters of Discovering Human Sexuality for the new edition. These reviewers are listed below. Helpful comments have also come from the Baldwins’ students at the University of Cali- fornia, Santa Barbara.

Ernest Abel, Wayne State University Amy Beeman, San Diego Mesa College Kimberly Blackwell, Hampton University Elizabeth Calamidas, Richard Stockton College Michael Clayton, Youngstown State University Karen Gee, Mission College Samantha Gibeau, Lane Community College John Hallock, Pima Community College Julie Harris, East Carolina University Lynda Hoggan, Mt. San Antonio College Nathan Iverson, California State Polytechnic University, Pomona Jason Lavender, North Dakota State University Janet Lever, California State University, Los Angeles Vicki Lucey, Modesto Junior College Stephanie Marin, California State Polytechnic University, Pomona Wanda C. McCarthy, University of Cincinnati Clermont College Heather Meggers, Birmingham Southern College Tami James Moore, University of Nebraska at Kearney Peggy Oberstaller, Lane Community College Carolyn Peterson, University of Cincinnati Jason Rothman, California State Polytechnic University, Pomona Justine Shuey, Montgomery County Community College Peter Sparks, Oregon State University–Cascades Paul Vasey, University of Lethbridge James Vaughn, University of Science and Arts of Oklahoma

PREFACE xxIII

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Media and Supplements to accompany Discovering Human Sexuality, Third Edition

For the Student Companion Website sites.sinauer.com/discoveringhumansexuality3e

The Discovering Human Sexuality, Third Edition Companion Website includes a robust set of study and review aids—all available at no cost to the student. This online companion to the textbook takes the place of a printed study guide and includes the following resources: zz Chapter Outlines: Complete outlines of each chapter

provide an overview of the chapter and include links to the relevant Study Questions for each section. zz Chapter Summaries: A thorough review of each chap-

ter’s content. zz Learning Objectives: The objectives help focus the

student on the important concepts and topics in each chapter; each is referenced to specific textbook head- ings and pages. zz Activities: For selected chapters, animations, dynamic

illustrations, and labeling exercises help the student learn and understand complex concepts and ana- tomical (and other) terms. zz Study Questions: An extensive set of interactive self-

study questions covers the full range of content in every chapter. zz Flashcards: Students can quiz themselves on all the

important terms from each chapter, or they can browse the list of terms as a review. zz Web Links: A set of online sites and resources relevant

to each chapter. zz Glossary: A complete online version of the book’s

glossary. zz Online Quizzes: Two sets of questions are available

for each chapter, for instructors to assign or make available to students as review exercises (instructor registration required): zz Multiple-Choice Quizzes test student comprehension of the material covered in each chapter. zz Essay Questions challenge students to synthesize and apply what they have learned. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

For the Instructor (available to qualified adopters)

Instructor’s Resource Library The Discovering Human Sexuality, Third Edition Instructor’s Resource Library (IRL) contains a wealth of resources for use in course planning, lecture development, and assessment. Contents include: zz Textbook Figures & Tables: All of the textbook’s figures

(both line art and photographs) are provided as JPEG files at two sizes: high-resolution (excellent for use in PowerPoint) and low-resolution (ideal for web pages and other uses). All the artwork has been reformatted and optimized for exceptional image quality when projected in class. zz PowerPoint Resources: Two ready-to-use presentations

are provided for each chapter: zz A lecture presentation that includes text covering the entire chapter, with selected figures. zz A figures presentation that includes all the figures and tables from the chapter. zz Instructor’s Manual: The Instructor’s Manual provides instructors with a variety of resources to aid in planning their course and developing their lectures. For each chapter, the manual includes a chapter overview, a chapter outline, the complete chap- ter summary, class discussion questions, teaching resources, and suggested readings. zz Media Guide: The Media Guide includes extensive lists of suggested video segments (and full-length titles) that are ideal for use as lecture starters or other in-class activities. Video suggestions (with links and sources) are provided for topics across all chap- ters, and suggested discussion questions are also included. zz Test Bank: The Test Bank consists of a broad range of questions covering all the key facts and concepts in each chapter. Each chapter includes multiple-choice, fill-in-the-blank, and, new for the Third Edition, short answer questions. Also included are all of the Companion Website quizzes (multiple-choice and essay), the textbook end-of-chapter questions, and

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MEDIA AND SUPPLEMENTS xxV

the Media Guide discussion questions. All questions are keyed to Bloom’s Taxonomy and referenced to specific textbook sections. zz Computerized Test Bank: The entire test bank is pro-

vided in Blackboard’s Diploma software. Diploma makes it easy to assemble quizzes and exams from any combination of publisher-provided questions and instructor-created questions. In addition, quiz- zes and exams can be exported to many different course management systems, such as Blackboard and Moodle.

Online Quizzing The Discovering Human Sexuality Companion Website fea- tures pre-built chapter quizzes (see above) that report into an online gradebook. Adopting instructors have access to these quizzes and can choose to either assign them or let students use them for review. (Instructors must register in order for their students to be able to take the quizzes.) Instructors also have the ability to add their own questions and create their own quizzes.

Value Options eBOOK Discovering Human Sexuality, Third Edition is available as an eBook, in several different formats. The eBook can be pur- chased as either a 180-day rental or a permanent (non-expir- ing) subscription. All major mobile devices are supported. For details on the eBook platforms offered, please visit www. sinauer.com/ebooks.

Looseleaf Textbook (ISBN 978-1-60535-379-1) Discovering Human Sexuality is available in a three-hole punched, looseleaf format. Students can take just the sec- tions they need to class and can easily integrate instructor material with the text.

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Discovering Human Sexuality

third edition

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1Chapter

Sexuality is a fundamental aspect of human nature.

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Sexuality: Pathways to Understanding

Sexuality is a central and all-pervasive theme of human existence. At its best, sexuality charges our lives with energy, excitement, and love. It offers a deep sense of connectedness, capable of spanning and healing social divisions. It creates family, the primary unit of society and the cradle of future generations.

At its worst, sexuality brings prejudice, anguish, violence, and disease. To begin our exploration of this powerful and mysterious force, we first ask what the terms “sex” and “sexuality” mean and why sexuality is a topic worth studying. We go on to review some of the ways in which human sexuality has changed between the origin of our species and the present day. Our purpose is to make clear that, even though there may be some eternal truths about sexuality, it is not static: It changes slowly as a result of evolutionary forces, and much faster under the influence of culture. We then go on to describe the variety of methods by which sexuality can be studied, methods that will be applied repeatedly throughout the remainder of the book.

To do it justice, we must approach human sexuality with open minds, with respect for diversity, and with all the modes of inquiry that have been used to illuminate human nature. Approached in this way, the topic is not just another step in your college career: It is a personal voyage of discovery that will help you to enjoy the best that sexuality has to offer, and to avoid the worst. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

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4 chapter 1

Sexuality Is a Broader Concept than Sex The term sex has two meanings. First, it means the distinction between female and male—a distinction that, as we’ll see in later chapters, is not as clear-cut as you might imagine. Second, it means engaging in sexual behaviors. These behaviors may be very obviously sexual because they are marked by genital phenomena such as vagi- nal lubrication, penile or clitoral erection, orgasm, and so on. But they also include behaviors that do not directly involve the genitals, such as courtship, as well as behaviors such as kissing that may or may not be sexual depending on context.

The term sexuality includes sex but also goes beyond it to encompass the entire realm of human experience that is more or less closely connected with sex. It means, for example, our gendered traits—the psychological traits that differ, to a greater or lesser extent, between women and men. It means our sexual and romantic attrac- tions and relationships—who we find attractive or fall in love with, and how we establish, maintain, or dissolve sexual partnerships. It means becoming a parent (or preventing that from happening). It also includes the two-way relationship between our personal sexual identities and behaviors and social structures such as the law, religion, medicine, and politics. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

Studying Sexuality Has Practical Benefits There are many possible reasons why you have chosen to take a course in human sexuality. Maybe you’re simply curious about a topic that is often treated with embar- rassment, evasion, or flippancy. Maybe you are looking for ways to improve your own sex life, or you think you have sexual problems that need to be solved. Maybe you are planning a career that requires an understanding of human sexuality.

Regardless of your specific motives, many practical benefits are to be gained from taking this course and reading this textbook. Here are some examples:

zz Improving your understanding of the structure and function of your geni- tals and those of your partners will help you give and receive more plea- sure from sex. zz Learning more about how people communicate on sexual topics will

increase your chances of forming and maintaining satisfying relationships and avoiding abusive ones. zz Learning about sexual diversity will encourage you to be more understanding of unusual sexual desires and behaviors—whether in others or in yourself. zz Educating yourself about contraception and sexually transmitted infections will lessen the chance that your sexual behavior may end up harming you or your partners. zz Becoming knowledgeable about sex will be an asset to you in your future career—most especially if you enter the medical or helping fields, but also in any career that brings you into contact with other people. zz Educating yourself about sex will enable you to educate others—including your friends and your own children, if you plan to have them. zz By learning to think critically about research, you will become a more discriminating consumer of media reports and advertising relating to sexuality.

Sexuality Has Changed over Time Most—but not all—women and men experience sexual desire and engage in sexual relationships at some point in their lives. This has likely been true across the course of  sex A person’s identity as female or male, or sexual behavior. sexuality The feelings, behaviors, and identities associated with sex. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

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Sexuality: pathwayS to underStanding 5

human history and prehistory, and it is true around the world today. But the ways in which these desires and relationships express themselves have been extraordi- narily varied. Here we sketch some of the changes that have occurred over time.

Sexuality has been influenced by evolution Humans evolved from the common ancestors of humans and nonhuman pri- mates, who lived about 7 million years ago. You might think that we could get some idea of early human sexuality by studying the sexual behavior of our clos- est relatives, the great apes (chimpanzees, bonobos, gorillas, and orangutans), on the assumption that these animals have changed less over time than we have.

It turns out, however, that there is a great deal of sexual diversity even among these closely related species. Among chimpanzees, for example, most sexual behavior is between males and females and has the potential to lead to preg- nancy. Among bonobos, which look very similar to chimpanzees, sexual contact between individuals of the same sex is common. The function of such behavior is clearly not reproductive; rather, it serves the purposes of conflict resolution and alliance formation (Parish & de Waal, 2000). Among orangutans coercive sex—analogous to rape in humans—is common (Knott et al., 2010), but that’s not true for bonobos. Some of these species differences are described in Appendix A. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

One general characteristic of sexual behavior among our primate relatives is that more of it takes place than is strictly necessary for reproductive purposes—some- times a great deal more. Another is that individuals compete for sex partners: Males often compete for access to the most fertile females, while females often compete for the attention of high-ranking males. You don’t have to be a sex researcher to know that these kinds of competition are prevalent in our own species today. It’s likely that competition for partners has characterized sexuality throughout human history and prehistory, and that this competition has driven the evolution of sex differences in appearance and behavior.

Early in the evolution of our species, humans probably lacked understanding of the connection between coitus (penile-vaginal intercourse) and reproduction. Of course, they acted as if they understood, just as our primate relatives do, but their sexual behavior was actually driven by instincts that required little conscious aware- ness. Even today, there are human cultures where people are unaware of biological facts that seem obvious to us, such as the fact that a child has just one father, or that pregnancy and childbirth result from a single act of coitus (Box 1.1).

Over the course of human history the trend toward an increasingly conscious understanding of how sex “works” has influenced human sexuality in directions that seem counterintuitive in evolutionary terms. For example, the knowledge that the deposition of semen (the male ejaculate) in the vagina is what causes pregnancy led to the introduction of contraceptive practices. These included withdrawal of the penis prior to ejaculation—a practice known already in Old Testament times—and the use of various kinds of barriers placed in the vagina. Similarly, methods intended to interrupt an established pregnancy—by use of certain herbs or poisons, or by black magic—were widely used in the Middle Ages, with varying success. As methods for contraception and abortion have improved over the centuries, so has it become increasingly possible to enjoy the pleasures of sex without its natural consequences. This has undoubtedly increased people’s—especially women’s—willingness to engage in sex both within and outside of established relationships. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

Society has changed sexuality Human sexuality has been greatly influenced by the development of social controls. The transition from a hunter-gatherer lifestyle to one of settled agriculture took place coitus Penile-vaginal intercourse.

Male primates, such as these golden snub-nosed monkeys, often fight over access to females.

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6 chapter 1

in the Middle East roughly 10,000 years ago. This transition led eventually to the formation of city-states, which required governments and the regulation of social behavior. Nudity was restricted, in part with the aim of reducing sexual arousal, pre- venting the sight of sexual arousal in others, and eliminating sexual conflicts. (Some present-day hunter-gatherer cultures still permit nudity.) Marriage was formalized, and nonmarital sex was discouraged to a greater or lesser degree.

Meet My Dads no matter how many men a woman has sex with, any child she bears has only a single biological father—the man whose sperm fertilized the woman’s ovum. in most cultures around the world, people accept this reality of single paternity. yet anthropologists have discovered an exception among many of the indigenous tribal societies of lowland South america (amazonia and nearby areas). here people believe that a man’s semen remains in the woman’s body indefinitely after sexual intercourse, so if several different men have sex with her before she becomes pregnant, then all of them contribute to the making of her child (Becker- man & Valentine, 2002).

this belief is called partible paternity (“divisible fatherhood”). By studying language relationships among the societies where partible paternity is found, anthropologist robert walker of the university of Missouri and his colleagues have traced it back to the distant past, probably to the time when the lowlands were first settled and the settlers spoke a common language (walker et al., 2010). (Paper Human Sexuality homework help) what benefit does the concept of partible paternity confer? anthropologists such as William Crocker of the Smithsonian institution have found that the societies that believe in partible paternity engage in distinctive sexual practices (crocker & crocker, 2003). they may participate in rituals in which women engage in sex sequentially with multiple men. and unlike in other cultures, where men typically guard their wives from sexual con- tact with other males, men in these amazonian tribes may freely offer their wives to male relatives as well as to powerful men who are actual or potential allies. partible paternity, and the practices associated with them, benefit women’s efforts to raise children. that’s because the multiple “fathers” of a given child may give gifts in exchange for sex, may support or protect the child, or may at least refrain from killing the child. (the killing of infants and children by men has traditionally been a significant cause of mortality in Amazonian cultures.) what about the men? on the face of it, the notion of partible paternity seems to disadvantage them, because they may end up supporting children who are not biologically theirs. on the other hand, they are “hedging their reproductive bets” by spreading their semen widely. this may be of particular value to high-status men, who gain disproportionate access to other men’s wives, thanks to partible paternity. in addition, partible paternity gives men some assurance that their biological children will have male support in the event of their own premature death, something that’s all too common in Amazonia. this still leaves unanswered the question of why partible paternity is common in lowland South America but rare else- where. the answer may be related to the importance of kin- ship and alliances in those societies, combined with a general absence of material wealth. in such circumstances paternity may be used as a unit of wealth that can be traded, as it were, in social networks. partible paternity the belief that two or more men may be fathers of the same child.

This Araweté woman of Brazil may believe that two or more men fathered her son.

Box 1.1 Cultural Diversity

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Sexuality: pathwayS to underStanding 7

Organized religion played a role in these changes (Endsjo, 2011). Although religious teachings have varied greatly, they have often fostered procreative heterosexual sex within marriage while labeling other forms of sexual expression as sinful. This was particularly true for the Christian religion: For most of the two millennia since its foundation, Christian teachings forbade all nonmarital sex, homo- sexual sex, masturbation, contraception, abortion, and polygamy. Even marital sex was restricted to coitus in certain positions, and it was forbidden on certain days of the week and during Lent (Ranke-Heinemann, 1990). Priests were commonly barred from marriage or any kind of sexual activity. This changed to some extent after the Reformation, when western Christianity splintered into numerous denominations, some of which have become much more liberal in the area of sexual ethics compared with the Catholic Church. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

The development of large-scale societies led to the emergence of class structures, with the rich and powerful at the top and the impoverished masses at the bottom. What class you belonged to greatly influenced your sex life. Take India: The Kama Sutra, compiled around the 2nd century, describes innumerable ways for men to obtain sexual pleasure and to give sexual pleasure to women (Vatsyayana, 1991) (Figure 1.1). It also describes sex between women and between men. But the Kama Sutra was written for and about the idle rich. (What to do between breakfast and lunch? Teach your parrot to talk.) If the sex lives of low- caste Indians were anything like they are today, they involved hasty, fully-clothed couplings with the minimum of pleasure or romance (Nath & Nayar, 1997).

Another way that class influenced sexuality had to do with polygamy. The major- ity of human cultures have permitted men to have more than one wife, but it was largely rich and powerful men who did so, because they had sufficient means—King Solomon is said to have had a thousand wives. Polygamy reduced the numbers of available women and thus made it harder for poor men to afford even one wife. What’s more, polygamy is connected with the idea that women are men’s property— if a rich man has many cattle, why shouldn’t he have many wives? By banning polyg- amy, the Christian religion promoted a somewhat more gender-equitable society.*

Across history, large numbers of men have been deprived of a sex life altogether by being castrated—that is, by having their testicles removed, and sometimes the penis also. Such men were called eunuchs. Castration was carried out as a punish- ment among criminals or prisoners of war, or (if done before puberty) to produce asexual male slaves who could serve certain roles such as court attendants, harem guards, dancers, or singers. Some eunuchs achieved powerful positions in imperial courts across Asia. In India, some men were (and still are) voluntarily castrated as an initiation into the transgender religious caste known as hijras, who are described further in Chapter 4 (Nanda, 1998). (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

Figure 1.1 The Kama Sutra describes a wide variety of sexual positions.

* In early Islam, polygamy helped provide for the many women whose husbands died in warfare.

heterosexuality Sexual attraction to, or behavior with, persons of the opposite sex.

homosexuality Sexual attraction to, or behavior with, persons of the same sex.

polygamy Having more than one spouse at the same time, as a social institution.

castration Removal of the testicles or testicles and penis.

eunuch A man who has been castrated.

transgender (or trans) Identifying with the other sex or rejecting gender norms.

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In general, castration has served the interests of noncastrated men, especially powerful men, and it therefore represents another way in which class and sexuality interact. Today, castration by surgery or “chemical castration” by drugs is performed voluntarily on some men with prostate cancer in an effort to prolong their lives—per- haps a quarter of a million American men are in this situation (Wassersug et al., 2014). (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

Another important effect of cultural change has involved sexually transmitted infections. When people lived in small groups and stayed in a restricted area, they tended to reach a biological accommodation with the infectious agents (bacteria and viruses) present in that population, such that their effects were not especially severe. Increases in population density and long-distance travel changed this picture: The organism that causes syphilis, for example, was present in the native populations of the Americas long before the arrival of Columbus and other explorers, but when these men returned to Europe, bringing the organism with them, it unleashed a dev- astating epidemic (Rothschild et al., 2000). Potentially fatal diseases such as syphilis and (more recently) AIDS made sex itself seem frightening and sinful.

Marriage has been transformed Yet another important change has been the radical decline in birth rates that has taken place in most countries, starting in the late 18th century. Over this period the number of children born to the average American woman has fallen from 7 or 8 to about 2 (Figure 1.2). Today, there are plenty of women or couples who choose to have no children at all—something that used to be quite unusual, except for women in religious orders. This decline has not been accompanied by any decline in people’s interest in sex. Thus the idea has gained currency that sex has a legitimate emotional or recreational function, beyond the production of children.

The institution of marriage has changed over time (Abbott, 2011). In many tradi- tional societies marriage signified the transfer of ownership of a woman from her father to her husband; marriages were negotiated and often involved large bridal payments. People fell in love, but they were lucky if they married the people they fell in love with. In Europe and America, even as late as the 19th century, a suitor was expected to ask the girl’s father for permission to propose to her, and if permis- sion was refused—because the young man had insufficient means, for example—the young couple’s only recourse might be to run away (elope) and marry at some distant location. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

A woman was expected to be a virgin when she married, but a man could be forgiven or even admired for “sowing his wild oats.” (This was an example of the double standard, by which males and females were, and still may be, held to differ- ent moral codes.) The husband’s and wife’s roles in marriage were also quite distinct:

double standard The idea that acceptable behavior is different for men than for women.

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Figure 1.2 Declining birthrates This graph shows the average number of children born to American women between 1800 and 2010. The data for white and African-American women are plotted separately.

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Sexuality: pathwayS to underStanding 9

The husband was the breadwinner, the wife the homemaker and child rearer, perhaps with the help of servants.

Before the 20th century, marriage was for life: Divorce was quite uncommon and was only permitted in cases of proven adultery. Divorce laws were greatly liberalized over the course of the 20th century, and now nearly half of all U.S. marriages end in divorce rather than death (Wilcox & Marquardt, 2011). What’s more, it’s now widely accepted that women are sexually active before mar- riage, and that couples may live together (cohabit) before mar- riage or without marrying at all. And the birth of children outside of marriage, once a shocking secret, is now more or less routine: Over 40% of all U.S. births are now to unmarried women, who may be single or cohabiting with a man or with a woman (Martin et al., 2013).

Up until the mid-20th century the vast majority of Americans considered inter- racial marriage to be sinful, and such marriages were illegal in many states. Atti- tudes changed gradually after World War II, and in 1967 the U.S. Supreme Court established a constitutional right to marry across racial lines (Figure 1.3). Currently we are witnessing a similar trend with regard to same-sex marriage, but gay couples who marry today are joining an institution that has lost a great deal of its former significance. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

Sex has become a topic of social discourse The 20th century saw a dramatic increase in people’s willingness to talk about sex. At the beginning of the century Victorian prudery still ruled: Most people could talk about sex only obliquely, if at all. Then came a series of outspoken researchers and activists whose work turned sex into a hot topic of conversation. Here are a few of them:

zz Havelock Ellis (1859–1939) was an English physician who described unusual kinds of sexual expression (which had previously been called “perversions”) in a sympathetic rather than a condemnatory way. zz Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) was an Austrian neurologist and founder

of psychoanalysis. He proposed that our lives are governed by a roiling unconscious world of sexual drives and conflicts (Box 1.2). zz Margaret Sanger (1879–1966), an American social activist, campaigned

tirelessly and effectively for women’s right to learn about and practice contraception. zz Alfred Kinsey (1894–1956) was an Indiana University biologist whose pio-

neering sex surveys (the “Kinsey Reports”) caused a sensation when they were published in 1948 and 1953 (Figure 1.4). zz Margaret Mead (1901–1978) was an American cultural anthropologist who

described the sexually uninhibited lifestyles of some Pacific Islanders. zz William Masters (1915–2001) and Virginia Johnson (1925–2013), of Wash-

ington University in St. Louis, pioneered the physiological study of sexual responses in healthy people and in those with sexual disorders.

cohabitation A live-in sexual relationship between individuals who are not married to each other.

Figure 1.3 Supreme Court justice Clarence Thomas and his wife Virginia are one of the many couples who have benefited from the court’s 1967 ruling that there is a constitutional right to marry across racial lines. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

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School sex education, which is now mandated in 22 U.S. states (National Conference of State Legislatures, 2014) and throughout Canada, has also promoted discussion and awareness of sexual issues. Even today, though, many Americans find it difficult or inappropriate to talk about sex, and in some more-conservative cultures it may be completely off-limits.

Social movements have affected sexuality Political and social movements have impacted sexuality in America and elsewhere. In the 1970s and 1980s the women’s movement asserted women’s right to control their own bodies (through contraception and abortion, for example), to be free of sexual coercion, and to seek pleasure in sexual relationships. The idea gained ground that men shared responsibility for ensuring that their female partners experienced pleasure, including orgasm, during sex.

The gay liberation movement led to the increasing acceptance of homosexuality, which led in turn to the enactment of anti-discrimination laws, starting in the 1980s, and the nationwide legalization of gay sex by a 2003 ruling of the U.S. Supreme Court. Advocates have campaigned for recognition and social acceptance of many other facets of sexuality: bisexuality, asexuality, transgender identity, intersexual- ity, plural marriage (polygamy), polyamory, sadomasochism, fetishes, pedophilia, pornography, and prostitution. (If some of these terms are unfamiliar to you, don’t worry: We will be covering them all in later chapters.) Although these efforts have met with widely varying success—and rightly so, you may think—what they have done is change the conversation: Sexual expression, it’s now increasingly agreed, should be legally restricted only when it makes rational sense to do so, not simply when it runs afoul of tradition, prejudice, or good taste.

Of course, sexuality doesn’t just change over time; it also varies widely from place to place around the present-day world, and among individuals within the same population. We will focus primarily on North America, the region where this text is used, but from time to time we will make trips overseas to look at examples of global diversity in sexual behavior and ideas about sexuality.

Figure 1.4 Let’s talk about sex. Sex researcher Alfred Kinsey (far right) lectures at the University of California in 1949.

What was the “sexual revolution” of the 1960s?

It was a youth-led movement for greater sexual freedom and indi- viduality, driven by rebellion against the more orthodox World War II generation and fueled by feminism, the contraceptive pill, rock and roll, and drugs. An enduring conse- quence was the greater acceptance of sex outside of marriage. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

FAQ

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Freud and Hirschfeld: Contrasting Theories on Sexual Orientation about a century ago, two european doctors proposed radically different theories to account for why some people are sexually attracted predominantly to members of the other sex while oth- ers are attracted to members of the same sex or to both sexes— a characteristic we now call sexual orientation. in Vienna, Sig- mund Freud (Figure A) developed a theory that was based on the concept of an unconscious mind, whose operations could supposedly be probed by psychoanalytic techniques such as free association, the interpretation of dreams, and slips of the tongue. the unconscious mind, though hidden from view and free from moral restraints, nevertheless resembled the con- scious mind in many respects—both were capable of rational thought, planning, memory, and emotion.

in Freud’s conception, the unconscious mind was more broadly focused in its sexual desires than was the conscious mind. this was particularly true during early childhood, which he believed included autoerotic and homosexual phases as well as incestuous desires directed toward one or the other parent. Freud thought that the “normal” progression to adult hetero- sexuality could be derailed in various ways, often involving unconscious emotional processes such as a hostile, too-close, or jealous relationship with a parent or sibling. these phenom- ena could lead to what Freud called perversions, that is, men- tal states in which adult sexual desires were directed toward atypical targets, such as people of the same sex (homosexu- ality), inanimate objects (fetishism), and so on. or they could lead to neuroses, in which the sexual element was supposedly repressed from consciousness altogether and reemerged in the form of nonsexual traits and disorders, such as obsessive- compulsive behaviors, depression, or “hysteria.”

in Berlin, Magnus hirschfeld (Figure B) took a quite different view. hirschfeld proposed the existence of two neural centers in the brain that were responsible for sexual attraction to men and to women, respectively. he suggested that during early fetal life all humans possessed both centers, but later one center grew and dominated, while the other regressed. in men, of course, it was usually the center for attraction to women that persisted, while in women it was the center for attraction to men. only in the minority of homosexual individuals did development take the opposite course. hirschfeld believed that sex hormones (then understood in only a very rudimentary way) channeled develop- ment in one direction or another, and that people also had a genetic predisposition to same-sex or opposite-sex attraction.

in many ways, the views of Freud and hirschfeld represented opposite approaches to understanding the mind and sexual- ity. Freud tried to understand the mind in terms of processes that, though hidden, were inherently mental—unconscious thoughts. and he believed interpersonal relationships held the key to sexual orientation and other aspects of adult sexuality.

to Freud, getting to your adult sexuality was a long, sometimes chaotic drama in which the unconscious mind took the leading role. hirschfeld, on the other hand, tried to reduce the mind to relatively simple nonmental phenomena such as the growth and activity of nerve cells, hormone secretion, and information encoded in the genes. in hirschfeld’s view, these phenomena controlled sexual development in a manner that was largely independent of family relationships and other aspects of life experience. to hirschfeld, getting to your adult sexuality was a process that unfolded mechanistically without your active par- ticipation—it simply happened to you.

Freud’s theories came to dominate most people’s ideas about the mind and sexuality through the early and middle part of the 20th century, while hirschfeld’s theories languished in obscurity. toward the end of the century, however, a noticeable shift of views occurred. to some people, Freud’s theories began to seem capricious, poorly substantiated, or inspired by prejudice (against women especially). Meanwhile, scientific advances tended to bol- ster a biological view of sexuality. Studies in animals showed that prenatal hormone levels do indeed influence sexual behavior in adulthood, and family studies supported the idea that genes do have some influence on sexual orientation in humans.

probably the dominant view at present is that both approaches offer potential insights into human sexuality. there must be some biological underpinnings to our thoughts and behaviors, and exploring these underpinnings is likely to tell us a lot about why people differ from one another sexually. on the other hand, it seems likely that some aspects of human sexuality need to be studied at the level of thoughts—in other words, by a cognitive approach. thus, even if neither Freud’s nor hirschfeld’s theories turn out to be entirely correct, they may both have contributed useful styles of thinking to the discussion. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

perversion an obsolete term for atypical sexual desire or behavior, viewed as a mental disorder.

neuroses Mental disorders such as depression that, in Freudian theory, are strategies for coping with repressed sexual conflicts.

LB4E_BX0101.eps Human Sexuality 4E LeVay Baldwin Sinauer Associates 06.27.11

Box 1.2 Controversies

(A) Sigmund Freud (B) Magnus Hirschfeld (1856–1939) (1868–1935)

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12 chapter 1

Sexuality Can Be Studied with a Wide Variety of Methods Investigators trained in many different disciplines make contributions to our under- standing of human sexuality. We could fill a whole book with an account of the meth- ods that are being used to study the topic. Here, we pick out some of the key areas and highlight certain research studies that illustrate the methods that are available.

Biomedical research focuses on the underlying mechanisms of sex Biomedical research is the approach that has the greatest practical impact on people’s sex lives. Here are a few examples:

zz Hormone-based contraception and abortion zz Drug treatments for reproductive cancers zz Drug treatments for erectile disorder, premature ejaculation, and low male

sex drive (with research into drug treatments for female sexual disorders being, so far, less successful) zz Methods to prevent, cure, or effectively treat sexually transmitted infec-

tions, including AIDS zz Technologies to treat infertility in women and men zz Improvements in the safety of pregnancy and childbirth

Biomedical researchers often turn to nonhuman animals to deepen their understand- ing of human nature, including human sexuality. Animal research involves studying the structure, function, and development of bodily systems that are involved in sex and reproduction. Most of the advances listed above were made possible by research using laboratory animals. In addition, researchers study the sexual behavior of ani- mals, both in the laboratory and in the wild. Although this book is titled Discover- ing Human Sexuality, we make no apology for including a great deal of information about, or derived from, nonhuman species.

Still, the introduction of modern imaging technologies has enabled the direct study in humans of topics that earlier could only be studied in animals. This is particularly true for brain function, which can now be studied with a variety of imaging tech- niques (Figure 1.5). In addition, the decipherment of the human genome is enabling all kinds of advances, such as the ability to ascertain the sex of a fetus and to diagnose certain fetal abnormalities on the basis of a simple blood sample drawn from the mother. And as we’ll discuss in Chapter 12, current research is attempting to home in on genes that influence such important traits as a person’s sexual orientation. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

One study that exemplifies the biomedical approach to sexuality was conducted by one of this textbook’s authors (Simon LeVay) about 25 years ago (LeVay, 1991). Basing his research on earlier work on laboratory animals, LeVay hypothesized that there might be structural differences between the brains of gay (homosexual) and straight (heterosexual) people. By examining the brains of deceased individuals, he found that a part of the brain involved in sexual behavior (a small region within a part of the brain known as the hypothalamus) was larger in straight men than in gay men. Other researchers extended this line of work to living people by the use of imaging techniques, and it’s now known that there are several differences in brain organization, not only between gay and straight men, but also between lesbian and straight women, as we’ll discuss in Chapter 12. Collectively, these studies helped shift our conception of homosexuality (and heterosexuality) from something that is learned or culturally imposed to something more akin to an inborn trait.

sexual orientation The direction of an individual’s sexual feelings: sexual attraction toward persons of the opposite sex (heterosexual), the same sex (homosexual), or both sexes (bisexual).

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Psychology includes diverse approaches to sexuality Psychology, the study of mental processes and behavior, has splintered into numer- ous overlapping subdisciplines, each of which tends to use distinct methods. The branch of psychology most significant to the study of sexuality is social psychol- ogy—the study of how we think about, influence, and relate to other people. Social psychologists concern themselves with all kinds of sexual matters, such as sexual attraction and relationships, violence between intimate partners, and anti-gay prejudice.

Here’s one example of how social psychologists tackle an important question relat- ing to sexuality. Researchers at UCLA, led by Neil Malamuth, have been interested in the question of whether portrayals of sexual violence in the media and pornog- raphy make men more accepting of such violence, as has been asserted by many feminists. Out of a group of male college students, half were randomly assigned to watch movies that portrayed sexual violence against women—specifically, movies in which a woman was raped but subsequently fell in love with her rapist. The other students (the control group) watched movies that contained no sexual violence. A few days later the students were given a sexual attitudes questionnaire. The results supported the feminist contention: Male students who watched sexually violent mov- ies expressed significantly more accepting attitudes toward sexual violence than the men in the control group. This and other studies have convinced the UCLA research- ers that exposure to images of sexual violence really does predispose some men to commit sexual assaults against women (Malamuth et al., 2000; Hald et al., 2010). (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

psychology The study of mental processes and behavior.

social psychology The study of one’s relationship to others.

feminism The movement to secure equality for women; the study of social and psychological issues from women’s perspectives.

control group A group of subjects included in a study for comparison purposes.

Figure 1.5 Sex on the brain This shows (in red) the average pattern of activity in the brains of ten women while they were experiencing orgasm, using a technique called functional mag- netic resonance imaging (fMRI). Activity immediately prior to orgasm has been digitally sub- tracted from the image, so the image shows activity related specifically to orgasm and not to general sexual arousal. Several parts of the brain are active during orgasm, but two areas of particular interest are the amygdala and hypothalamus, both of which play important roles in the regulation of sexual feelings and behaviors. (Image courtesy of Nan Wise and Barry Komis- aruk, Rutgers University.)

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Left hypothalamus

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Cognitive psychology is the study of internal mental processes. As an example, there’s a well-known stereotype that gay men are “like women” and lesbians are “like men.” How true is this? To find out, cognitive psychologists have conducted many studies comparing a variety of mental traits, skills, and attitudes in gay and straight people. Researchers at the University of Haifa, in Israel, for instance, picked empathy, which is the ability to detect and feel the emotions of other people. This trait is typically better developed in women than in men. Consistent with the stereotype, the researchers found that gay men scored higher on tests of empathy than straight men, whereas lesbians scored lower than straight women (Perry et al., 2013). Still, looking at the entire body of research in this field, gay people show a patchwork of gender-typical and gender-atypical traits, and what’s true on average is not necessar- ily true about individuals (LeVay, 2011). We review this topic further in Chapter 12.

Evolutionary psychology seeks to explain how evolution has molded our genetic endowment to favor certain patterns of sexual feelings and behaviors. One idea in evolutionary psychology is that because reproduction is so much more demanding for females than for males, genes have evolved that cause females to be very picky in their choice of sex partners. As a result, other genes have evolved that cause males to engage in competitive and risky sexual displays—displays that are intended to influence females’ choices.

It’s well established that men are more likely than women to engage in risky behaviors, but it’s not clear whether the risks we take in everyday life—such as when we cross a busy street—are actually sexual displays. To help answer this question, an international group of evolutionary psychologists descended on Britain’s University of Liverpool (Pawlowski et al., 2008). They stationed themselves near the campus’s busiest crosswalk, and over a period of 3 months they observed how 1000 men and women crossed the street (Figure 1.6). Specifically, they noted how much risk the stu- dents took in crossing (i.e., whether they crossed when vehicles were approaching) and who else was present when each person crossed. As might have been expected, the researchers found that men took more risks than women. The interesting finding, though, was that the presence of women nearby significantly increased the likelihood that a man would attempt a risky crossing, whereas the presence of men nearby did not influence his decision one way or another. Women, on the other hand, paid little or no attention to who was present, regardless of their sex, when they decided whether to cross. The researchers concluded that even a mundane act such as crossing a street can be motivated in part by the urge to engage in sexual displays—but only for men in the presence of women. Women do engage in sexual dis- plays—when they flirt, for example—but these displays don’t commonly take the form of risk-taking behavior.

Another area of psychology is concerned with ethnic and cultural diversity in sexual attitudes, behavior, and relationships. This kind of research, which is conducted primarily by cultural anthropologists, involves field- work of the kind pioneered by Margaret Mead and oth- ers. An example is the research into the concept of parti- ble paternity in Amazonia that was discussed in Box 1.1. Another example closer to home concerns the Native American tradition of “two-spirit” people—individuals who incorporate both a male and a female identity and who are accorded a special role in their communities. These people have been studied in detail by anthropology

Figure 1.6 Looking for love? Crossing the street in front of traffic can be a form of sexual display, according to research at the University of Liverpool. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

cognitive psychology The study of the information-processing systems of the mind.

evolutionary psychology The study of the influence of evolution on mental processes or behavior.

cultural anthropology The study of cultural variations across the human race.

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gist Walter Williams, who spent a great deal of time living among Native Americans (Williams, 1986). The study of two-spirit people challenges assumptions about gen- der that are prevalent in most Western societies (Sheppard & Mayo, 2013).

Sociologists focus on the connection between sex and society Sociology is the scientific study of society. Sociologists make a unique contribution to the study of human sexuality by linking the sexual behaviors and attitudes of indi- viduals to larger social structures. Sociologists examine how sexual expression varies with age, race, national origin, religious and political beliefs, place of residence, edu- cational level, and so on. Such studies are often carried out by means of sex surveys.

We already briefly mentioned the surveys conducted by Alfred Kinsey in the mid- 20th century. With the onset of the AIDS epidemic around 1980, the need for detailed information about sexual practices and attitudes spurred a host of new sex surveys. Most notable among the surveys was one conducted by sociologists at the University of Chicago and elsewhere—the National Health and Social Life Survey (NHSLS) (Laumann et al., 1994). A comparable British survey—the National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles (NSSAL)—was published in the same year (Wellings et al., 1994) and has been repeated twice, most recently in 2013 (Mercer et al., 2013). Besides being more up-to-date than the Kinsey surveys, the NHSLS and NSSAL were technically superior in a number of respects, especially in their use of modern random-sampling methods and advanced techniques of statistical analysis, made possible by computers.

One interesting finding of the NHSLS concerned masturbation. This practice is often thought of as something a person does as a substitute for “real” sex when part- ners are unavailable. No doubt this is sometimes the case, but the survey findings indicate that people usually masturbate in addition to engaging in partnered sex, not as a substitute for it. In fact, women with partners masturbate more than women without them, according to the survey.

In 2010, researchers at the Center for Sexual Health Promotion at Indiana Univer- sity published findings from a new National Survey of Sexual Health and Behav- ior (NSSHB) (Reece et al., 2010b). This survey obtained responses from nearly 6000 Americans age 14 to 94. Among the findings was a gender gap in the experience of heterosexual sex: More men than women experienced orgasm during their most recent act of penile-vaginal intercourse, whereas more women than men experienced pain.

Another valuable source of information is the General Social Survey (GSS), which is run by sociologists at the University of Chicago. The GSS has been asking Americans pretty much the same questions at 1- or 2-year intervals since 1972. Using the GSS survey data it is possible to find out how people’s attitudes toward, say, sex between unmarried couples, has changed over time. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

From time to time throughout this book, we cite findings from these and other surveys. We also occasionally refer to magazine-sponsored surveys, which tend to cover intimate topics that the official surveys ignore. In 2012, for example, Esquire magazine commissioned a national random-sample survey that came up with all kinds of interesting information about current U.S. sex practices—such as that het- erosexual men’s favorite sexual position is the “cowgirl” (the woman straddling the man and facing forward) (Esquire, 2012).

Sex surveys are plagued with a variety of problems. It is often difficult to obtain truly representative samples of respondents. In addition, respondents may be reluctant to divulge details of their sex lives, especially if the information could be regarded as shameful. Kinsey tried to overcome this problem by the use of leading questions (“When did you first . . . ?” rather than “Have you ever . . . ?”). In more recent surveys researchers have attempted to reduce the embarrassment factor by

gender The collection of psychological traits that differ between males and females.

sociology The scientific study of society.

National Health and Social Life Survey (NHSLS) A national survey of sexual behavior, relationships, and attitudes in the United States, conducted in the early 1990s.

National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles (NSSAL) A periodic British survey of sexual behavior, relationships, and attitudes, most recently conducted in 2013.

National Survey of Sexual Health and Behavior (NSSHB) A national survey of sexual behavior in the United States, based at Indiana University and published in 2010.

General Social Survey (GSS) A long-running periodic survey of the U.S. population run by the National Opinion Research Center.

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16 chapter 1

allowing interviewees to type their responses directly into a computer.

Random-sample surveys, even very large ones, are likely to encompass very few if any individuals who belong to “minorities within minorities,” such as Asian-American lesbians. Yet it is often these neglected groups about whom information is most needed. What’s more, when only a small percentage of the subjects belong to a certain group, their truthful responses may be swamped by frivolous responses from others. This apparently happened with a survey of U.S. adolescents called the National Longitudinal Study of Ado- lescent Health, or AddHealth: In this survey an improbably large number of students described themselves as gay, and they sometimes added other unlikely facts such as having artificial limbs or numerous children. The deception came to light in a repeat survey carried out on the same individuals when they were adults: By then the artificial limbs, the chil- dren, and the homosexuality had largely vanished (Savin- Williams & Joyner, 2013).

Sociologists are also interested in the mechanisms by which social structures (rang- ing from the family to the mass media) mold individual feelings and behaviors. One influential idea is that society gives us “scripts”—ways of presenting ourselves to others as we deal with social interactions. We can select from many different scripts and ad-lib on them too. This idea has been referred to as script theory (Reiss, 1986; Simon & Gagnon, 1986; Frith, 2009). (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

Here’s an example of the application of script theory to a sexual topic: Angela Bartoli and Diane Clark of Shippensburg University studied the dating scripts typi- cally used by college students. They found that men’s scripts were far more likely to involve an expectation of sex, whereas women’s scripts typically included a respon- sibility for setting limits on sexual interactions (Bartoli & Clark, 2006). This is, of course, consistent with traditional views about men’s and women’s roles in sexual negotiations. Bartoli and Clark’s finding suggest that several decades of “women’s lib” did not change this dynamic in any significant way.

Sociologists may also engage in ethnographic fieldwork, immersing themselves in their subjects’ lives in the same way that cultural anthropologists do. For exam- ple, Staci Newmahr, then a graduate student in sociology at the State University of New York (SUNY) at Buffalo, wanted to explore the lives and motivations of people who engaged in BDSM activities (Newmahr, 2011). (“BDSM” means the infliction or receipt of pain, humiliation, and the like as a sexual or recreational outlet.) To do so, Newmahr joined a BDSM club and submitted to treatments that you might consider extreme, or at least well beyond the usual requirements for a PhD. We report on some of her findings in Chapter 13.

The economic approach weighs costs and benefits How much is sex “worth?” Sometimes, as in the case of prostitution, the answer to this question can be expressed in dollar terms. But even when money doesn’t change hands, people calculate—consciously or unconsciously—the costs and benefits of sexual encounters and sexual relationships (Baumeister & Vohs, 2004). The cost may be counted not in money but in time lost from studies or career, or in the effect of a damaged reputation that lowers a person’s future value in the sexual marketplace. The benefit may not be sexual pleasure, but a secure relationship. Researchers will- ing to take a hard-nosed economic approach to these issues help us understand how much more there is to human sexuality than simple romance or “the joy of sex.”

script theory The analysis of sexual and other behaviors as the enactment of socially instilled roles.

ethnography The study of a cultural group, often by means of extended individual fieldwork.

Participants in sex surveys give more honest responses when they can do so without the presence of investigators.

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Sexuality: pathwayS to underStanding 17

As an example of this approach, let’s take a look at a study that focused on how the sex ratio (the ratio of males to females in a given population) influences sexual negotiations. A basic tenet of economic theory is that the value of scarce resources tends to rise, so if one sex is in a minority, mem- bers of that sex gain leverage in the heterosexual marketplace. Because males are typically more interested in uncommitted sex than are women, it might be expected that casual sex would be more common in popula- tions with an excess of females and less common where males are in the majority. Psychologist Nigel Barber tested this prediction by obtaining data on sex ratios and teen birthrates (a proxy indicator of uncommitted sex) in 185 countries (Barber, 2000). Sure enough, teen births were highest in countries with an excess of females, and the association was not a weak one: Nearly 40% of the variability in teen birthrates between countries could be explained by their sex ratios. In later chapters we’ll see how sex ratios impact the sex lives of Americans. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

It’s worth emphasizing that individual researchers often cross the boundaries between the various disciplines just described, or collaborate with researchers from other backgrounds. Psychologists and neurosci- entists often work together, for example. This kind of boundary cross- ing has greatly enhanced researchers’ ability to understand the roots of sexual behavior and sexual diversity.

As we have seen, women and men in a variety of academic disciplines and walks of life have made important contributions to our understand- ing of human sexuality. Increasingly, however, there is a perception that sex research, or sexology, is an academic discipline in its own right. This discipline is an unusual one in that it demands training that crosses most of the traditionally established intellectual boundaries.

Paper Human Sexuality homework help

A variety of factors make sex research especially challenging:

zz It can be difficult to obtain appropriate subjects to study. It’s easy enough to corral a classful of human sexuality students, but how representative are these of the general citizenry, let alone humanity as a whole? zz It can be difficult to phrase survey questions in ways that encourage honest responses and that don’t bias responses to conform to researchers’ preconceptions. zz It can be difficult to extrapolate from animal research to human subjects. zz It can be difficult to obtain funding for research: Conservative politicians

have taken to vetting grant applications, looking for proposals that they can ridicule or defund. On the other hand, the epidemics of AIDS, herpes, and other sexually transmitted infections have led to the investment of a great deal of public and private funds into sex-related research topics.

Numerous organizations at local, international, and global levels now foster sex research. In the United States, the Society for the Scientific Study of Sexuality (SSSS, or “Quad-S”) publishes the Journal of Sex Research and other periodicals. The Ameri- can Association of Sexuality Educators Counselors and Therapists (AASECT) and the Society for Sex Therapy and Research (SSTAR) certify educational programs in sex education and therapy. There are also institutes devoted to research or training in issues of sexuality, such as the Kinsey Institute (which is affiliated with Indiana Uni- versity), and special-purpose organizations such as the Guttmacher Institute (which focuses on family planning issues). (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

At an international level, two organizations stand out. The International Academy of Sex Research publishes the Archives of Sexual Behavior. The World Association for Sexual Health, which represents sex-research and sexual-health organizations from

Prostitution is not the only sphere in which people calculate the value of sex and sexual relationships.

sexology The scientific study of sex and sexual disorders.

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18 chapter 1

53 countries, issued a universal Declaration of Sexual Rights in 1997, and it has been updated since that time. The 2014 declaration (in abridged form) is as follows:

zz The right to equality and non-discrimination zz The right to life, liberty, and security of the person zz The right to autonomy and bodily integrity zz The right to be free from torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or

punishment zz The right to be free from all forms of violence and coercion zz The right to privacy zz The right to the highest attainable standard of health, including sexual health; with the possibility of pleasurable, satisfying, and safe sexual experiences zz The right to enjoy the benefits of scientific progress and its application zz The right to information zz The right to education and the right to comprehensive sexuality education zz The right to enter, form, and dissolve marriage and other similar types of relationships based on equality and full and free consent zz The right to decide whether to have children, the number and spacing of children, and to have the information and the means to do so zz The right to the freedom of thought, opinion, and expression zz The right to freedom of association and peaceful assembly zz The right to participation in public and political life zz The right to access to justice, remedies, and redress

Summary zz Sexuality has changed over time, under the influence of evolution and culture. Certain modes of sexual behav- ior, such as competition for sex partners, were inherited from our nonhuman ancestors. The increasing conscious understanding of the connection between sex and repro- duction led to the development of efforts to interrupt the connection—by contraception and abortion. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

zz The establishment of large-scale societies and govern- ments led to the regulation of sexuality. Marriage in particular has undergone many changes, from a contract arranged by men to a more voluntary and egalitarian arrangement that benefits both partners. The banning of polygamy by the early Christian church laid the ground- work for greater equality in marriage. Organized religion has often established moral codes that restrict sexual expression, especially nonreproductive behaviors such as sex between same-sex partners.

zz The steep reduction in the birthrate in many countries over the last two centuries has also allowed women to take a role in marriage that goes beyond incessant pregnancy and child rearing. Marriage itself has lost some of its significance in Western societies as nonmarital cohabitation and child rearing, and at-will divorce, have become increasingly common and accepted.

zz Sexuality can be studied with a wide variety of approaches. The biomedical approach has been based primarily on studies in nonhuman animals, but recent advances, such as brain-scanning technology and the decoding of the human genome, allow for more direct study of sexual processes in humans.

zz The psychological approach falls into several subdisci- plines. Social psychology concerns itself with the diverse ways in which sex influences interpersonal relations. Cognitive psychology is focused on the mental processes, such as sexual arousal, that underlie sexual expression. Evolutionary psychology is devoted to understanding how evolutionary forces have molded our sex lives. Cul- tural anthropology investigates the influence of ethnic and cultural diversity on sexual expression.

zz Sociologists are concerned with the interactions between the sexuality of individuals and larger demographic groupings. Sex surveys are an important tool in this approach. An example of a theoretical social-science approach is sexual script theory: the notion that, as a

Go to the Discovering

Human Sexuality Companion Website at sites.sinauer.com/

discoveringhumansexuality3e for activities, study questions, quizzes, and other study aids.

01_DHS3E_CH 01.indd 18 1/20/15 10:37 AM

 

 

Sexuality: pathwayS to underStanding 19

Discussion Questions 1. Do you think that the sexual behavior of nonhuman

animals has anything to teach us about what is morally acceptable in human sexual behavior?

2. How much does marriage or the prospect of marriage matter to you? Do you think men and women differ in how they view marriage? (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

3. What course of education would you recommend to someone who plans a career in sex research?

4. To what extent do you think that your religious upbring- ing and beliefs—or the lack of them—affect your cur- rent or future sexual and marital choices? If you’re not comfortable with this question, discuss how you believe college students should interpret the teachings of their religious leaders when making sexual decisions.

5. After reading the basics of the World Association for Sexual Health’s Declaration of Sexual Rights, do you agree with everything in it? Do you think the declara- tion fails to address any important topics? How would the principles laid out in the declaration bear on topics where there are marked differences between cultures, such as polygamy, female circumcision, prostitution, and homosexuality?

6. According to its mission statement, the Sexuality In- formation and Education Council of the United States (SIECUS) “advocates the right of individuals to make responsible sexual choices.” Should people also have the right to make irresponsible sexual choices? Where would you draw the line and on what grounds?

Web Resources American Association of Sex Educators Counselors and

Therapists (AASECT) www.aasect.org Archive for Sexology—English-language site at the

University of Berlin www2.hu-berlin.de/sexology Guttmacher Institute www.guttmacher.org International Academy of Sex Research (IASR)

www.iasr.org Kinsey Institute for Research in Sex, Gender, and

Reproduction www.kinseyinstitute.org

Sex Information and Education Council of Canada (SIECCAN) www.sieccan.org

Sexuality Information and Education Council of the United States (SIECUS) www.siecus.org

Society for Sex Therapy and Research (SSTAR) www.sstarnet.org

Society for the Scientific Study of Sexuality (SSSS) www.sexscience.org

Statistics Canada www.statcan.gc.ca World Association for Sexual Health (WAS)

www.worldsexology.org

Recommended Reading Ellis, H. (1900). Studies in the psychology of sex. Davis.

Freud, S. (1905/1975). Three essays on the theory of sexuality. Basic.

Kinsey, A. C., Pomeroy, W. B. & Martin, C. E. (1948). Sexual behavior in the human male. Saunders.

Kinsey, A. C., Pomeroy, W. B., Martin, C. E. & Gebhard, P. H. (1953). Sexual behavior in the human female. Saunders.

Krafft-Ebing, R. v. (1886/1999). Psychopathia sexualis, with special reference to contrary sexual instinct: A clinical-forensic study. Bloat.

Masters, W. H. & Johnson, V. E. (1966). Human sexual response. Little, Brown.

Masters, W. H. & Johnson, V. E. (1970). Human sexual inadequacy. Little, Brown.

Mead, M. (1928). Coming of age in Samoa: A psychological study of primitive youth for Western civilization. Morrow.

(The books listed above are historically important works but don’t necessarily represent current thinking.)

Dabhoiwala, F. (2012). The origins of sex: A history of the first sexual revolution. Oxford University Press.

Michael, R. T., Gagnon, J. H., Laumann, E. O. & Kolata, G. (1994). Sex in America: A definitive survey. Little, Brown.

Roach, M. (2008). Bonk: The curious coupling of science and sex. Norton.

Tolman, D.L. & Diamond, L.M. (Eds.) (2013). APA handbook of sexuality and psychology, Vols. 1 and 2. American Psychological Association.

result of constant interaction with others, people learn to play certain sexual roles. Sociologists also do ethno- graphic fieldwork in the environments where sexual transactions take place.

zz The economic approach to sexuality asks how the per- ceived costs and benefits of interactions within a sexual marketplace influence people’s sexual decision making.

zz Sexology, or sex research, is gradually asserting itself as an independent and multidisciplinary field of study. National and international organizations, conferences, and journals are devoted to the subject. The World Asso- ciation for Sexual Health has issued a universal Declara- tion of Sexual Rights.

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2Chapter

Diversity in women’s vulvas. These life casts are among 400 that constitute The Great Wall of Vagina, by British artist Jamie McCartney.

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Women’s Bodies

Women and men are different, both in their bodies—the subject of this and the following chapters—and in their minds. Indeed, bodily differences, especially in the external genitals, are commonly used to decide whether a person is male or female. Yet many similarities and parallels exist between the bodies and minds of men and women—they are only variations on a common theme, after all. And there is considerable anatomical diversity within the categories of male and female. In fact, some babies are born with bodies that are not easy to categorize as either male or female, as we’ll discuss in Chapter 4.

By presenting women’s bodies first, we intentionally distance ourselves from the traditional perspective, which discussed women’s sex organs in terms of their equivalence to, or difference from, the sex organs of men. Neither men nor women are the “original” sex from which the other was molded: Women and men coevolved over millions of years from females and males of our ancestral species.

02_DHS3E_CH02.indd 21 1/20/15 10:41 AM

 

 

22 chapter 2

A Woman’s Vulva Includes Her Mons, Labia, Vaginal Opening, and Clitoris Many girls and women have little understanding of their sexual anatomy, in part because the female external genitalia are not as prominent as those of men. In addi- tion, girls often learn that it’s not “nice” to inquire or talk about these body parts, or even to take a close look at them. Vague phrases such as “down there” may substi- tute for specific terms. Plenty of adult women—and men—do not know what the word “vagina” means and could not make a reasonable sketch of a woman’s genital anatomy. Thus, the “naming of parts” and the description of their layout is the crucial first stage of education in sexuality (Figure 2.1).

The word vulva is a scientific term that refers to the entire external genital area in a woman. The appearance of the vulva varies from woman to woman, a fact illustrated clearly in Figure 2.1B and in the body casts of 40 women pictured at the beginning of this chapter. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

The mons is a pad of fatty tissue covered by skin and pubic hair. It lies immedi- ately in front of the pubic bone. The mons is erotically sensitive, and it may serve as a cushion for the woman’s pubic area during sex. The hair helps vaporize odors that arise in specialized sweat glands, similar to those in the armpits, and these odors may act as pheromones (chemical attractants). The mons with its pubic hair may also be a visual trigger for sexual arousal in a woman’s partner, since it is the most easily visible portion of the vulva. external genitalia The sexual structures on the outside of the body. vulva The female external genitalia. mons (or mons veneris) The frontmost component of the vulva: a mound of fatty tissue covering the pubic bone. pubic hair Hair that appears on portions of the external genitalia in both sexes at puberty.

Mons

(A)

(B)

LeVay DHS 3E Figure 02.01 09/25/14

Clitoral hood Outer labia

Inner labia

Urethral opening

Vaginal opening

Clitoris

Vestibule

Perineum

Anus

Figure 2.1 The vulva, or female external genitalia. (A) Vulva with labia drawn apart to show the vestibule, urethral opening, and vaginal opening. The perineum and anus are not part of the vulva. (B) The inner labia are quite variable in shape and color from woman to woman. (See Web Activity 2.1: The Vulva.)

02_DHS3E_CH02.indd 22 1/20/15 10:41 AM (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

 

 

women’s bodies 23

In spite of these possible functions for pubic hair, many women remove some or all of the hair by shaving, waxing, or other methods (Figure 2.2). Artistically expressive women may “vajazzle” the shaven area with sequins or crystals. Pubic hair removal is much more common among young women than among older women, according to a 2010 study by researchers at the Indiana University (Figure 2.3). However, the New York Times reports that some women are going back to the natural look, led by Hol- lywood actresses who either announced that they gave up hair removal or showed off their pubic hair in nude scenes (Meltzer, 2014). Many cultures (such as that of Japan) have viewed abundant pubic hair as highly erotic.

The labia (Latin for “lips”) are two pairs of skin folds that extend down from the mons on either side of the vulva. The outer labia, or labia majora, are padded with fatty tissue and are hairy on the surfaces nearest to the thighs. The skin of the outer labia is often darker than the skin elsewhere, and it is erotically sensitive, especially on the inner, hairless sides of the labia.

The inner labia, or labia minora, are two thin folds of hairless skin that lie between the two outer labia. In some women the inner labia are only visible after parting the outer labia; in other women they protrude to variable degrees (see Figure 2.1B). The inner labia meet at the back of the vulva, and also at the front, where they form the clitoral hood. The left and right inner labia generally touch each other in the mid- line when the woman is not aroused, and the area encircled by the labia is called the vestibule. labia Two pairs of skin folds that form the sides of the vulva. outer labia (or labia majora) Fleshy skin folds, partially covered in pubic hair, that extend from the mons. inner labia (or labia minora) Thin, hairless folds of skin located between the outer labia and immediately flanking the vestibule. clitoral hood A loose fold of skin that covers the clitoris. vestibule The potential space be- tween the left and right inner labia. (Paper Human Sexuality homework help)

Figure 02.02 DHS 3E LeVay Baldwin Sinauer Associates 09.25.14

(A) (B) (C)

Figure 2.2 Pubic hair—love it or loathe it? (A) Gustave Courbet’s 1866 painting The Ori- gin of the World put natural pubic hair front and center. (B) A Brazilian wax removes all pubic hair except a narrow strip. (C) Complete removal of pubic hair.

DHS3E_0203.eps DHS 3E LeVay Baldwin Sinauer Associates 09.25.14

Total removal Partial removal No removal

(A) (B)

Women age 18–24

Women age 40–49

58.5%

12.4%

29.1%

49.7%

27.8% 22.5%

Figure 2.3 Removal of pubic hair These charts compare hair removal practices in (A) young and (B) middle-aged women, based on a nonrandom survey of 2451 sexually active women. “Total removal” means that women were completely hairless at least once in the prior month. (After Herbenick et al., 2010d.)

02_DHS3E_CH02.indd 23 1/20/15 10:41 AM

 
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The Cultural Nature of Human Development Assignment help

The Cultural Nature of Human Development Assignment help

The Cultural Nature of Human Development

Barbara Rogoff

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

 

 

The Cultural Nature

of Human Development

 

 

 Cultural 

 

 

Barbara Rogoff

 Human Development

1 2003

 

 

1 Oxford New York

Auckland Bangkok Buenos Aires Capetown Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kolkata Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi São Paulo Shanghai Taipei Tokyo Toronto

Copyright © 2003 by Barbara Rogoff

Published by Oxford University Press, Inc., 198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016

www.oup.com

Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of Oxford University Press.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Rogoff, Barbara. The cultural nature of human development / Barbara Rogoff.

p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-19-513133-9 1. Socialization. 2. Child development. 3. Cognition and culture. 4. Developmental psychology. I. Title. HM686 .R64 2003 305.231 — dc21 2002010393

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper

 

 

For Salem, Luisa, Valerie, and David

with appreciation for their companionship

and support all along the way.

 

 

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a c k n o w l e d g m e n t s

I deeply appreciate the wisdom, support, and challenges of Beatrice Whit- ing , Lois and Ben Paul, Mike Cole, Sylvia Scribner, Shep White, Jerry Kagan, Roy Malpass, Marta Navichoc Cotuc, Encarnación Perez, Pablo Cox Bixcul, and the children and parents of San Pedro, who opened my eyes to patterns of culture and how to think about them.

I am grateful to the insightful discussions and questions of Cathy An- gelillo, Krystal Bellinger, Rosy Chang, Pablo Chavajay, Erica Coy, Julie Hollo- way, Afsaneh Kalantari, Ed Lopez, Eugene Matusov, Rebeca Mejía Arauz, Behnosh Najafi, Emily Parodi, Ari Taub, Araceli Valle, and my graduate and undergraduate students who helped me develop these ideas. I especially appreciate the suggestions of Debi Bolter, Maricela Correa-Chávez, Sally Duensing, Shari Ellis, Ray Gibbs, Giyoo Hatano, Carol Lee, Elizabeth Ma- garian, Ruth Paradise, Keiko Takahashi, Catherine Cooper, Marty Chemers, and Wendy Williams and the valuable assistance of Karrie André and Cindy White. The editorial advice of Jonathan Cobb, Elizabeth Knoll, Joan Bossert, and several anonymous reviewers greatly improved the book. I greatly appreciate the donors and UCSC colleagues who created the UCSC Foundation chair in psychology that supports my work.

 

 

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       

 Orienting Concepts and Ways of Understanding the Cultural Nature of Human Development 

Looking for Cultural Regularities  One Set of Patterns: Children’s Age-Grading and Segregation

from Community Endeavors or Participation in Mature Activities 

Other Patterns  Orienting Concepts for Understanding Cultural Processes  Moving Beyond Initial Assumptions 

Beyond Ethnocentrism and Deficit Models  Separating Value Judgments from Explanations 

Diverse Goals of Development  Ideas of Linear Cultural Evolution  Moving Beyond Assumptions of a Single Goal of Human

Development  Learning through Insider/Outsider Communication 

Outsiders’ Position  Insiders’ Position 

Moving between Local and Global Understandings  Revising Understanding in Derived Etic Approaches  The Meaning of the “Same” Situation across Communities 

 

 

 Development as Transformation of Participation in Cultural Activities 

A Logical Puzzle for Researchers  An Example: “We always speak only of what we see”  Researchers Questioning Assumptions 

Concepts Relating Cultural and Individual Development  Whiting and Whiting’s Psycho-Cultural Model  Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological System  Descendents  Issues in Diagramming the Relation of Individual

and Cultural Processes  Sociocultural-Historical Theory  Development as Transformation of Participation

in Sociocultural Activity 

 Individuals, Generations, and Dynamic Cultural Communities 

Humans Are Biologically Cultural  Prepared Learning by Infants and Young Children  Where Do Gender Differences Come From? 

Participation in Dynamic Cultural Communities  Culture as a Categorical Property of Individuals versus

a Process of Participation in Dynamically Related Cultural Communities 

The Case of Middle-Class European American Cultural Communities 

Conceiving of Communities across Generations 

 Child Rearing in Families and Communities 

Family Composition and Governments  Cultural Strategies for Child Survival and Care  Infant-Caregiver Attachment 

Maternal Attachment under Severe Conditions  Infants’ Security of Attachment  Attachment to Whom? 

Family and Community Role Specializations  Extended Families  Differentiation of Caregiving, Companion, and Socializing Roles  Sibling Caregiving and Peer Relations  The Community as Caregiver 

Children’s Participation in or Segregation from Mature Community Activities  Access to Mature Community Activities 

x C O N T E N T S

 

 

“Pitching in” from Early Childhood  Excluding Children and Youth from Labor—

and from Productive Roles  Adults “Preparing” Children or Children Joining Adults 

Engaging in Groups or Dyads  Infant Orientation: Face-to-Face with Caregiver versus Oriented

to the Group  Dyadic versus Group Prototypes for Social Relations  Dyadic versus Multiparty Group Relations in Schooling 

 Developmental Transitions in Individuals’ Roles in Their Communities 

Age as a Cultural Metric for Development  Developmental Transitions Marking Change in Relation to

the Community  Rates of Passing Developmental “Milestones” 

Age Timing of Learning  Mental Testing  Development as a Racetrack 

According Infants a Unique Social Status  Contrasting Treatment of Toddlers and Older Siblings  Continuities and Discontinuities across Early Childhood 

Responsible Roles in Childhood  Onset of Responsibility at Age 5 to 7?  Maturation and Experience 

Adolescence as a Special Stage  Initiation to Manhood and Womanhood  Marriage and Parenthood as Markers of Adulthood  Midlife in Relation to Maturation of the Next Generation  Gender Roles 

The Centrality of Child Rearing and Household Work in Gender Role Specializations 

Sociohistorical Changes over Millennia in Mothers’ and Fathers’ Roles 

Sociohistorical Changes in Recent Centuries in U.S. Mothers’ and Fathers’ Roles 

Occupational Roles and Power of Men and Women  Gender and Social Relations 

 Interdependence and Autonomy 

Sleeping “Independently”  Comfort from Bedtime Routines and Objects  Social Relations in Cosleeping 

C O N T E N T S xi

 

 

Independence versus Interdependence with Autonomy  Individual Freedom of Choice in an Interdependent System  Learning to Cooperate, with Freedom of Choice 

Adult-Child Cooperation and Control  Parental Discipline  Teachers’ Discipline 

Teasing and Shaming as Indirect Forms of Social Control  Conceptions of Moral Relations 

Moral Reasoning  Morality as Individual Rights or Harmonious Social Order  Learning the Local Moral Order  Mandatory and Discretionary Concepts in Moral Codes 

Cooperation and Competition  Cooperative versus Competitive Behavior in Games  Schooling and Competition 

 Thinking with the Tools and Institutions of Culture 

Specific Contexts Rather Than General Ability: Piaget around the World 

Schooling Practices in Cognitive Tests: Classification and Memory  Classification  Memory 

Cultural Values of Intelligence and Maturity  Familiarity with the Interpersonal Relations used in Tests  Varying Definitions of Intelligence and Maturity 

Generalizing Experience from One Situation to Another  Learning to Fit Approaches Flexibly to Circumstances  Cultural Tools for Thinking 

Literacy  Mathematics  Other Conceptual Systems 

Distributed Cognition in the Use of Cultural Tools for Thinking  Cognition beyond the Skull  Collaboration in Thinking across Time and Space  Collaboration Hidden in the Design of Cognitive Tools and

Procedures  An Example: Sociocultural Development in Writing Technologies and

Techniques  Crediting the Cultural Tools and Practices We Think With 

xii C O N T E N T S

 

 

8 Learning through Guided Participation in Cultural Endeavors 

Basic Processes of Guided Participation  Mutual Bridging of Meanings  Mutual Structuring of Participation 

Distinctive Forms of Guided Participation  Academic Lessons in the Family  Talk or Taciturnity, Gesture, and Gaze  Intent Participation in Community Activities 

9 Cultural Change and Relations among Communities 

Living the Traditions of Multiple Communities  Conflict among Cultural Groups  Transformations through Cultural Contact across Human History 

An Individual’s Experience of Uprooting Culture Contact  Community Changes through Recent Cultural Contacts 

Western Schooling as a Locus of Culture Change  Schooling as a Foreign Mission  Schooling as a Colonial Tool  Schooling as a Tool of U.S. Western Expansion 

The Persistence of Traditional Ways in Changing Cultural Systems  Contrasting Ideas of Life Success  Intervention in Cultural Organization of Community Life 

Dynamic Cultural Processes: Building on More Than One Way  Learning New Ways and Keeping Cultural Traditions in Communities

Where Schooling Has Not Been Prevalent  Immigrant Families Borrowing New Practices to Build on Cultural

Traditions  Learning New Ways and Keeping Cultural Traditions in Communities

Where Schooling Has Been Central  Cultural Variety as an Opportunity for Learning—for Individuals and

Communities  The Creative Process of Learning from Cultural Variation 

A Few Regularities  Concluding with a Return to the Orienting Concepts 

References 

Credits 

Index 

C O N T E N T S xiii

 

 

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The Cultural Nature

of Human Development

 

 

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1 Orienting Concepts

and Ways of Understanding

the Cultural Nature of Human Development

Human development is a cultural process. As a biological species, humans are defined in terms of our cultural participation. We are prepared by both our cultural and biological heritage to use language and other cultural tools and to learn from each other. Using such means as language and literacy, we can collectively remember events that we have not personally experienced —becoming involved vicariously in other people’s experience over many generations.

Being human involves constraints and possibilities stemming from long histories of human practices. At the same time, each generation continues to revise and adapt its human cultural and biological heritage in the face of current circumstances.

My aim in this book is to contribute to the understanding of cultural patterns of human development by examining the regularities that make sense of differences and similarities in communities’ practices and tradi- tions. In referring to cultural processes, I want to draw attention to the con- figurations of routine ways of doing things in any community’s approach to living. I focus on people’s participation in their communities’ cultural prac- tices and traditions, rather than equating culture with the nationality or ethnicity of individuals.

For understanding cultural aspects of human development, a primary goal of this book is to develop the stance that people develop as participants in cultural communities. Their development can be understood only in light of

3

 

 

the cultural practices and circumstances of their communities—which also change.

To date, the study of human development has been based largely on re- search and theory coming from middle-class communities in Europe and North America. Such research and theory often have been assumed to gen- eralize to all people. Indeed, many researchers make conclusions from work done in a single group in overly general terms, claiming that “the child does such-and-so” rather than “these children did such-and-so.”

For example, a great deal of research has attempted to determine at what age one should expect “the child” to be capable of certain skills. For the most part, the claims have been generic regarding the age at which chil- dren enter a stage or should be capable of a certain skill.

A cultural approach notes that different cultural communities may ex- pect children to engage in activities at vastly different times in childhood, and may regard “timetables” of development in other communities as surprising or even dangerous. Consider these questions of when children can begin to do certain things, and reports of cultural variations in when they do:

When does children’s intellectual development permit them to be responsible for others? When can they be trusted to take care of an infant?

In middle-class U.S. families, children are often not regarded as capable of caring for themselves or tending another child until perhaps age 10 (or later in some regions). In the U.K., it is an offense to leave a child under age 14 years without adult supervision (Subbotsky, 1995). However, in many other communities around the world, children begin to take on responsibility for tending other children at ages 5–7 (Rogoff et al., 1975; see figure 1.1), and in some places even younger children begin to assume this responsibility. For example, among the Kwara’ae of Oceania,

Three year olds are skilled workers in the gardens and household, excellent caregivers of their younger siblings, and accomplished at social interaction. Although young children also have time to play, many of the functions of play seem to be met by work. For both adults and children, work is accompanied by singing, joking, verbal play and entertaining conversation. Instead of playing with dolls, children care for real babies. In addition to working in the family gar- dens, young children have their own garden plots. The latter may seem like play, but by three or four years of age many children are taking produce they have grown themselves to the market to sell, thereby making a significant and valued contribution to the family income. (Watson-Gegeo, 1990, p. 87)

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Orienting Concepts 5

When do children’s judgment and coordination allow them to handle sharp knives safely?

Although U.S. middle-class adults often do not trust children below about age 5 with knives, among the Efe of the Democratic Republic of Congo, in- fants routinely use machetes safely (Wilkie, personal communication, 1989; see figure 1.2). Likewise, Fore (New Guinea) infants handle knives and fire safely by the time they are able to walk (Sorenson, 1979). Aka parents of Central Africa teach 8- to 10-month-old infants how to throw small spears and use small pointed digging sticks and miniature axes with sharp metal blades:

Training for autonomy begins in infancy. Infants are allowed to crawl or walk to whatever they want in camp and allowed to use knives, machetes, digging sticks, and clay pots around camp. Only if an infant begins to crawl into a fire or hits another child do parents or others interfere with the infant’s activity. It was not unusual, for in- stance, to see an eight month old with a six-inch knife chopping the branch frame of its family’s house. By three or four years of age chil- dren can cook themselves a meal on the fire, and by ten years of age Aka children know enough subsistence skills to live in the forest alone if need be. (Hewlett, 1991, p. 34)

f i g u r e 1 . 1

This 6-year-old Mayan (Guatemalan) girl is a skilled caregiver for her baby cousin.

 

 

So, at what age do children develop responsibility for others or suffi- cient skill and judgment to handle dangerous implements? “Ah! Of course, it depends,” readers may say, after making some guesses based on their own cultural experience.

Indeed. It depends. Variations in expectations for children make sense once we take into

account different circumstances and traditions. They make sense in the context of differences in what is involved in preparing “a meal” or “tending” a baby, what sources of support and danger are common, who else is nearby, what the roles of local adults are and how they live, what institutions peo- ple use to organize their lives, and what goals the community has for devel- opment to mature functioning in those institutions and cultural practices.

Whether the activity is an everyday chore or participation in a test or a laboratory experiment, people’s performance depends in large part on the circumstances that are routine in their community and on the cultural prac- tices they are used to. What they do depends in important ways on the cul- tural meaning given to the events and the social and institutional supports provided in their communities for learning and carrying out specific roles in the activities.

6

f i g u r e 1 . 2

An Efe baby of 11 months skillfully cuts a fruit with a machete, under the watchful eye of a relative (in the Ituri Forest of the Democratic Republic of Congo).

 

 

Cultural research has aided scholars in examining theories based on ob- servations in European and European American communities for their ap- plicability in other circumstances. Some of this work has provided crucial counterexamples demonstrating limitations or challenging basic assump- tions of a theory that was assumed to apply to all people everywhere. Ex- amples are Bronislaw Malinowski’s (1927) research questioning the Oedipal complex in Sigmund Freud’s theory and cross-cultural tests of cognitive de- velopment that led Jean Piaget to drop his claim that adolescents universally reach a “formal operational” stage of being able to systematically test hy- potheses (1972; see Dasen & Heron, 1981).

The importance of understanding cultural processes has become clear in recent years. This has been spurred by demographic changes throughout North America and Europe, which bring everyone more in contact with cultural traditions differing from their own. Scholars now recognize that understanding cultural aspects of human development is important for re- solving pressing practical problems as well as for progress in understanding the nature of human development in worldwide terms. Cultural research is necessary to move beyond overgeneralizations that assume that human development everywhere functions in the same ways as in researchers’ own communities, and to be able to account for both similarities and differences across communities.

Understanding regularities in the cultural nature of human develop- ment is a primary aim of this book. Observations made in Bora Bora or Cincinnati can form interesting cultural portraits and reveal intriguing dif- ferences in custom, but more important, they can help us to discern regu- larities in the diverse patterns of human development in different commu- nities.

Looking for Cultural Regularities

Beyond demonstrating that “culture matters,” my aim in this book is to in- tegrate the available ideas and research to contribute to a greater under- standing of how culture matters in human development. What regularities can help us make sense of the cultural aspects of human development? To understand the processes that characterize the dynamic development of in- dividual people as well as their changing cultural communities, we need to identify regularities that make sense of the variations across communities as well as the impressive commonalities across our human species. Although research on cultural aspects of human development is still relatively sparse, it is time to go beyond saying “It depends” to articulate patterns in the vari- ations and similarities of cultural practices.

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The process of looking across cultural traditions can help us become aware of cultural regularities in our own as well as other people’s lives, no matter which communities are most familiar to us. Cultural research can help us understand cultural aspects of our own lives that we take for granted as natural, as well as those that surprise us elsewhere.

For example, the importance given to paying attention to chronologi- cal age and age of developmental achievements is unquestioned by many who study human development. However, questions about age of transi- tions are themselves based on a cultural perspective. They fit with cultural institutions that use elapsed time since birth as a measure of development.

One Set of Patterns: Children’s Age-Grading and Segregation from Community Endeavors or Participation in Mature Activities

It was not until the last half of the 1800s in the United States and some other nations that age became a criterion for ordering lives, and this inten- sified in the early 1900s (Chudacoff, 1989). With the rise of industrializa- tion and efforts to systematize human services such as education and med- ical care, age became a measure of development and a criterion for sorting people. Specialized institutions were designed around age groups. Develop- mental psychology and pediatrics began at this time, along with old-age in- stitutions and age-graded schools.

Before then in the United States (and still, in many places), people rarely knew their age, and students advanced in their education as they learned. Both expert and popular writing in the United States rarely referred to spe- cific ages, although of course infancy, childhood, and adulthood were dis- tinguished. Over the past century and a half, the cultural concept of age and associated practices relying on age-grading have come to play a central, though often unnoticed role in ordering lives in some cultural communities —those of almost all contemporary readers of this book.

Age-grading accompanied the increasing segregation of children from the full range of activities in their community as school became compulsory and industrialization separated workplace from home. Instead of joining with the adult world, young children became more engaged in specialized child-focused institutions and practices, preparing children for later entry into the community.

I argue that child-focused settings and ways in which middle-class par- ents now interact with their children are closely connected with age-grading and segregation of children. Child-focused settings and middle-class child- rearing practices are also prominent in developmental psychology, connect- ing with ideas about stages of life, thinking and learning processes, motiva- tion, relations with peers and parents, disciplinary practices at home and

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school, competition and cooperation. I examine these cultural regularities throughout this book, as they are crucial to understanding development in many communities.

An alternative pattern involves integration of children in the everyday activities of their communities. This pattern involves very different con- cepts and cultural practices in human development (Rogoff, Paradise, Mejía Arauz, Correa-Chávez, & Angelillo, 2003). The opportunities to observe and pitch in allow children to learn through keen attention to ongoing ac- tivities, rather than relying on lessons out of the context of using the knowledge and skills taught. In this pattern, children’s relationships often involve multiparty collaboration in groups rather than interactions with one person at a time. I examine these and related regularities throughout this book.

Other Patterns

Because cultural research is still quite new, the work of figuring out what regularities can make sense of the similarities and variations across com- munities is not yet very far along. However, there are several other areas that appear to involve important regularities in cultural practices.

One set of regularities has to do with a pattern in which human rela- tions are assumed to require hierarchical organization, with someone in charge who controls the others. An alternative pattern is more horizontal in structure, with individuals being responsible together to the group. In this pattern, individuals are not controlled by others—individual autonomy of decision making is respected—but individuals are also expected to coordi- nate with the group direction. As I discuss in later chapters, issues of cul- tural differences in sleeping arrangements, discipline, cooperation, gender roles, moral development, and forms of assistance in learning all connect with this set of patterns.

Other patterns have to do with strategies for managing survival. Infant and adult mortality issues, shortage or abundance of food and other re- sources, and settled living or nomadic life seem to connect with cultural similarities and variations in infant care and attachment, family roles, stages and goals of development, children’s responsibilities, gender roles, cooper- ation and competition, and intellectual priorities.

I develop these suggestions of patterns of regularity and some others throughout the book. Although the search for regularities in cultural sys- tems has barely begun, it has great promise for helping us understand the surprising as well as the taken-for-granted ways of cultural communities worldwide, including one’s own.

To look for cultural patterns, it is important to examine how we can

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think about the roles of cultural processes and individual development. In the first three chapters, I focus on how we can conceptualize the interrelated roles of individual and cultural processes. In the next section of this chap- ter, I introduce some important orienting concepts for how we can think about the roles of cultural processes in human development.

Orienting Concepts for Understanding Cultural Processes

The orienting concepts for understanding cultural processes that I develop in this book stem from the sociocultural (or cultural-historical) perspective. This approach has become prominent in recent decades in the study of how cultural practices relate to the development of ways of thinking , remem- bering , reasoning , and solving problems (Rogoff & Chavajay, 1995). Lev Vygotsky, a leader of this approach from early in the twentieth century, pointed out that children in all communities are cultural participants, liv- ing in a particular community at a specific time in history. Vygotsky (1987) argued that rather than trying to “reveal the eternal child,” the goal is to dis- cover “the historical child.”

Understanding development from a sociocultural-historical perspective requires examination of the cultural nature of everyday life. This includes studying people’s use and transformation of cultural tools and technologies and their involvement in cultural traditions in the structures and institu- tions of family life and community practices.

A coherent understanding of the cultural, historical nature of human development is emerging from an interdisciplinary approach involving psy- chology, anthropology, history, sociolinguistics, education, sociology, and other fields. It builds on a variety of traditions of research, including par- ticipant observation of everyday life from an anthropological perspective, psychological research in naturalistic or constrained “laboratory” situations, historical accounts, and fine-grained analyses of videotaped events. To- gether, the research and scholarly traditions across fields are sparking a new conception of human development as a cultural process.

To understand regularities in the variations and similarities of cultural processes of human development across widespread communities it is im- portant to examine how we think about cultural processes and their relation to individual development. What do we mean by cultural processes? How do people come to understand their own as well as others’ cultural practices and traditions? How can we think about the ways that individuals both par- ticipate in and contribute to cultural processes? How do we approach un- derstanding the relation among cultural communities and how cultural communities themselves transform?

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This section outlines what I call orienting concepts for understanding cultural processes. These are concepts to guide thinking about how cultural processes contribute to human development.

The overarching orienting concept for understanding cultural processes is my version of the sociocultural-historical perspective:

Humans develop through their changing participation in the socio- cultural activities of their communities, which also change.

This overarching orienting concept provides the basis for the other orient- ing concepts for understanding cultural processes:

Culture isn’t just what other people do. It is common for people to think of themselves as having no culture (“Who, me? I don’t have an accent”) or to take for granted the circumstances of their his- torical period, unless they have contact with several cultural com- munities. Broad cultural experience gives us the opportunity to see the extent of cultural processes in everyday human activities and development, which relate to the technologies we use and our institutional and community values and traditions. The practices of researchers, students, journalists, and professors are cultural, as are the practices of oral historians, midwives, and shamans.

Understanding one’s own cultural heritage, as well as other cultural com- munities, requires taking the perspective of people of contrasting backgrounds. The most difficult cultural processes to examine are the ones that are based on confident and unquestioned assump- tions stemming from one’s own community’s practices. Cultural processes surround all of us and often involve subtle, tacit, taken-for-granted events and ways of doing things that require open eyes, ears, and minds to notice and understand. (Children are very alert to learning from these taken-for-granted ways of doing things.)

Cultural practices fit together and are connected. Each needs to be un- derstood in relation to other aspects of the cultural approach. Cultural processes involve multifaceted relations among many as- pects of community functioning; they are not just a collection of variables that operate independently. Rather, they vary together in patterned ways. Cultural processes have a coherence beyond “elements” such as economic resources, family size, moderniza- tion, and urbanization. It is impossible to reduce differences be- tween communities to a single variable or two (or even a dozen or two); to do so would destroy the coherence among the con- stellations of features that make it useful to refer to cultural

Orienting Concepts 11

 

 

processes. What is done one way in one community may be done another way in another community, with the same effect, and a practice done the same way in both communities may serve different ends. An understanding of how cultural practices fit together is essential.

Cultural communities continue to change, as do individuals. A commu- nity’s history and relations with other communities are part of cultural processes. In addition, variations among members of communities are to be expected, because individuals connect in various ways with other communities and experiences. Variation across and within communities is a resource for humanity, allow- ing us to be prepared for varied and unknowable futures.

There is not likely to be One Best Way. Understanding different cultural practices does not require determining which one way is “right” (which does not mean that all ways are fine). With an under- standing of what is done in different circumstances, we can be open to possibilities that do not necessarily exclude each other. Learning from other communities does not require giving up one’s own ways. It does require suspending one’s own assump- tions temporarily to consider others and carefully separating ef- forts to understand cultural phenomena from efforts to judge their value. It is essential to make some guesses as to what the patterns are, while continually testing and open-mindedly revis- ing one’s guesses. There is always more to learn.

The rest of this chapter examines how we can move beyond the in- evitable assumptions that we each bring from our own experience, to ex- pand our understanding of human development to encompass other cul- tural approaches. This process involves building on local perspectives to develop more informed ideas about regular patterns, by:

• Moving beyond ethnocentrism to consider different perspectives • Considering diverse goals of development • Recognizing the value of the knowledge of both insiders and out-

siders of specific cultural communities • Systematically and open-mindedly revising our inevitably local un-

derstandings so that they become more encompassing

The next two chapters take up related questions of ways to conceive of the relation between individual and cultural processes, the relation of cul- ture and biology (arguing that humans are biologically cultural), and how to think about participation in changing cultural communities.

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The remaining chapters examine regularities in the cultural nature of such aspects of development as children’s relations with other children and with parents, the development of thinking and remembering and reading skills, gender roles, and ways that communities arrange for children to learn. The research literature that I draw on in these chapters is wide-ranging, in- volving methods from psychology, anthropology, history, sociolinguistics, education, sociology, and related fields. The different research methods en- hance each other, helping us gain broader and deeper views of the cultural nature of human development. In choosing which research to include, I emphasize investigations that appear to be based on some close involvement with everyday life in the communities studied, to facilitate understanding phenomena as they play out.

The book’s concluding chapter focuses on the continually changing na- ture of cultural traditions as well as of people’s involvement in and creation of them. The chapter focuses particularly on changes related to Western schooling—increasingly pervasive in the lives of children and adults world- wide—to examine dynamic cultural processes that build new ways as well as building on cultural traditions.

Moving Beyond Initial Assumptions

It would hardly be fish who discovered the existence of water.

—Kluckhohn, 1949, p. 11

Like the fish that is unaware of water until it has left the water, people often take their own community’s ways of doing things for granted. Engaging with people whose practices differ from those of one’s own community can make one aware of aspects of human functioning that are not noticeable until they are missing or differently arranged (LeVine, 1966). “The most valuable part of comparative work in another culture [is] the chance to be shaken by it, and the experience of struggling to understand it” (Goldberg , 1977, p. 239).

People who have immersed themselves in communities other than their own frequently experience “culture shock.” Their new setting works in ways that conflict with what they have always assumed, and it may be unsettling to reflect on their own cultural ways as an option rather than the “natural” way. An essay on culture shock illustrates this notion by describ- ing discoveries of assumptions by travelers from the Northern Hemi- sphere:

Orienting Concepts 13

 

 

Assumptions are the things you don’t know you’re making, which is why it is so disorienting the first time you take the plug out of a washbasin in Australia and see the water spiraling down the hole the other way around. The very laws of physics are telling you how far you are from home.

In New Zealand even the telephone dials are numbered anti- clockwise. This has nothing to do with the laws of physics—they just do it differently there. The shock is that it had never occurred to you that there was any other way of doing it. In fact, you had never even thought about it at all, and suddenly here it is—different. The ground slips. (Adams & Carwardine, 1990, p. 141)

Even without being immersed in another cultural system, comparisons of cultural ways may create discomfort among people who have never be- fore considered the assumptions of their own cultural practices. Many in- dividuals feel that their own community’s ways are being questioned when they begin to learn about the diverse ways of other groups.

An indigenous American author pointed out that comparisons of cul- tural ways—necessary to achieve understanding of cultural processes— can be experienced as an uncomfortable challenge by people who are used to only one cultural system:

Such contrasts and comparisons tend to polarize people, making them feel either attacked or excluded, because all of us tend to think of comparisons as judgmental. . . . Comparisons are inevitable and so too is the important cultural bias that all of us foster as part of our heritage. (Highwater, 1995, p. 214)

One of my aims in this book is to separate value judgments from un- derstanding of the various ways that cultural processes function in human development. The need to avoid jumping to conclusions about the appro- priateness of other people’s ways has become quite clear in cultural research, and is the topic of the next section.

Suspending judgment is also often needed for understanding one’s own cultural ways. People sometimes assume that respect for other ways implies criticism of or problems with their own familiar ways. Therefore, I want to stress that the aim is to understand the patterns of different cultural com- munities, separating understanding of the patterns from judgments of their value. If judgments of value are necessary, as they often are, they will thereby be much better informed if they are suspended long enough to gain some understanding of the patterns involved in one’s own familiar ways as well as in the sometimes surprising ways of other communities.

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Beyond Ethnocentrism and Deficit Models

People often view the practices of other communities as barbaric. They as- sume that their community’s perspective on reality is the only proper or sensible or civilized one (Berger & Luckmann, 1966; Campbell & LeVine, 1961; Jahoda & Krewer, 1997). For example, the ancient Greeks facilitated their own cultural identity by devaluing people with different languages, customs, and conceptions of human nature (Riegel, 1973). Indeed, the word barbarous derives from the Greek term for “foreign,” “rude,” and “ig- norant” (Skeat, 1974; it is also the derivation of the name Barbara!). The term barbarian was applied to neighboring tribes who spoke languages un- intelligible to the Greeks, who heard only “bar-bar” when they spoke:

Beyond the civilizational core areas lay the lands of the barbarians, clad in skins, rude in manner, gluttonous, unpredictable, and aggres- sive in disposition, unwilling to submit to law, rule, and religious guidance . . . not quite human because they did not live in cities, where the only true and beautiful life could be lived, and because they appeared to lack articulate language. They were barbaraphonoi, bar-bar-speakers [Homer, Iliad 2.867], and in Aristotle’s view this made them natural slaves and outcasts. (Wolf, 1994, p. 2)

To impose a value judgment from one’s own community on the cul- tural practices of another—without understanding how those practices make sense in that community—is ethnocentric. Ethnocentrism involves making judgments that another cultural community’s ways are immoral, unwise, or inappropriate based on one’s own cultural background without taking into account the meaning and circumstances of events in that commu- nity. Another community’s practices and beliefs are evaluated as inferior without considering their origins, meaning , and functions from the per- spective of that community. It is a question of prejudging without appro- priate knowledge.

For example, it is common to regard good parenting in terms deriving from the practices of one’s own cultural community. Carolyn Edwards char- acterized contemporary middle-class North American child-rearing values (of parents and child-rearing experts) in the following terms:

Hierarchy is anathema, bigger children emphatically should not be allowed to dominate smaller ones, verbal reasoning and negotiation should prevail, children should always be presented choices, and physical punishment is seen as the first step to child abuse. All of the ideas woven together represent a meaning system. (1994, p. 6)

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Edwards pointed out that in other communities, not all components of this meaning system are found. If a Kenyan mother says, “Stop doing that or I will beat you,” it does not mean the same thing as if the statement came from a middle-class European American mother. In an environment in which people need a certain physical and mental toughness to thrive (for heavy physical work, preparedness for warfare, long marches with cycles of hunger), the occasional use of physical discipline has a very different mean- ing than in an environment where physical comfort is often taken for granted. In contrast, a Kenyan mother would not consider withholding food from her children as punishment: “To her, what American mothers do (in the best interests of their children), namely, restrict children’s food intake and deprive them of delicious, available, wanted food, would be terrible, un- thinkable, the next thing to child abuse!” (pp. 6–7). Viewed from outside each system of meaning , both sets of practices might be judged as inap- propriate, whereas from within each system they make sense.

From the 1700s, scholars have oscillated between the deficit model— that “savages” are without reason and social order—and a romantic view of the “noble savage” living in a harmonious natural state unspoiled by the constraints of society ( Jahoda & Krewer, 1997). Both of these extremes treat people of cultural communities other than those of the observer as alien, to be reviled (or pitied) on the one hand, or to be wistfully revered on the other.

These models are still with us. An illustration of the deficit model ap- pears in a report based on one week of fieldwork among the Yolngu, an Abo- riginal community in Australia, which concluded:

Humans can continue to exist at very low levels of cognitive de- velopment. All they have to do is reproduce. The Yolngu are, self evi- dently to me, not a terribly advanced group.

But there is not much question that Euro-American culture is vastly superior in its flexibility, tolerance for variety, scientific thought and interest in emergent possibilities from any primitive society extant. (Hippler, quoted and critiqued by Reser, 1982, p. 403)

For many years, researchers have compared U.S. people of color with European American people using a deficit model in which European Amer- ican skills and upbringing have been considered “normal.” Variations in other communities have been considered aberrations or deficits, and inter- vention programs have been designed to compensate for the children’s “cul- tural deprivation.” (See discussions of these issues in Cole & Bruner, 1971; Cole & Means, 1981; Deyhle & Swisher, 1997; García Coll, Lamberty, Jen- kins, McAdoo, Crnic, Wasik, & García, 1996; Hays & Mindel, 1973; Hilliard & Vaughn-Scott, 1982; Howard & Scott, 1981; McLoyd & Ran-

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dolph, 1985; McShane & Berry, 1986; Moreno, 1991; Ogbu, 1982; Valentine, 1971.)

Children and adolescents of color have often been portrayed as “problems” which we dissect and analyze using the purportedly ob- jective and dispassionate tools of our trade. . . . With a white sample serving as the “control,” [the research] proceeds to conducting com- parative analyses. . . . Beginning with the assumption of a problem, we search for differences, which, when found, serve as proof that the problem exists. (Cauce & Gonzales, 1993, p. 8)

Separating Value Judgments from Explanations

To understand development, it is helpful to separate value judgments from observations of events. It is important to examine the meaning and func- tion of events for the local cultural framework and goals, conscientiously avoiding the arbitrary imposition of one’s own values on another group.

Interpreting the activity of people without regard for their meaning system and goals renders observations meaningless. We need to understand the coherence of what people from different communities do, rather than simply determining that some other group of people do not do what “we” do, or do not do it as well or in the way that we do it, or jumping to con- clusions that their practices are barbaric.

Reducing ethnocentrism does not require avoidance of (informed) value judgments or efforts to make changes. It does not require us to give up our own ways to become like people in another community, nor imply a need to protect communities from change. If we can get beyond the idea that one way is necessarily best, we can consider the possibilities of other ways, seeking to understand how they work and respecting them in their time and place. This does not imply that all ways are fine—many commu- nity practices are objectionable. My point is that value judgments should be well informed.

Ordinary people are constantly making decisions that impact others; if they come from different communities it is essential for judgment to be informed by the meaning of people’s actions within their own community’s goals and practices. A tragic example of the consequences of ethnocentric misunderstanding—making uninformed judgments—is provided in an account of the medical ordeal of a Hmong child in California, when the as- sumptions and communication patterns of the U.S. health system were in- compatible with those of the family and their familiar community (Fadi- man, 1997). The unquestioned cultural assumptions of the health workers contributed to the deteriorating care of the child.

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The diversity of cultural ways within a nation and around the world is a resource for the creativity and future of humanity. As with the impor- tance of supporting species diversity for the continued adaptation of life to changing circumstances, the diversity of cultural ways is a resource pro- tecting humanity from rigidity of practices that could jeopardize the species in the future (see Cajete, 1994). We are unable to foresee the issues that humanity must face in the future, so we cannot be certain that any one way of approaching human issues will continue to be effective. Within the practices and worldviews of different communities are ideas and prac- tices that may be important for dealing with the challenges ahead. A uni- form human culture would limit the possibilities for effectively addressing future needs. Just as the cure for some dread disease may lie in a concoc- tion made with leaves in a rain forest, the knowledge and skills of a small community far away (or next door) may provide a solution to other ills of the present or future. Although bureaucracies are challenged by variety and comfortable with uniformity, life and learning rely on the presence of di- verse improvisations.

Diverse Goals of Development

Key to moving beyond one’s own system of assumptions is recognizing that goals of human development—what is regarded as mature or desirable— vary considerably according to the cultural traditions and circumstances of different communities.

Theories and research in human development commonly reveal an as- sumption that development proceeds (and should proceed) toward a unique desirable endpoint of maturity. Almost all of the well-known “grand theo- ries” of development have specified a single developmental trajectory, mov- ing toward a pinnacle that resembles the values of the theorist’s own com- munity or indeed of the theorist’s own life course. For example, theorists who are extremely literate and have spent many years in school often regard literacy and Euro-American school ways of thinking and acting as central to the goals of successful development, and even as defining “higher” cultural evolution of whole societies.

Ideas of Linear Cultural Evolution

The idea that societies develop along a dimension from primitive to “us” has long plagued thinking regarding cultural processes. A clear example ap- pears in a letter to a friend that Thomas Jefferson wrote in the early 1800s:

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Let a philosophic observer commence a journey from the savages of the Rocky Mountains, eastwardly towards our sea-coast. These he would observe in the earliest stage of association living under no law but that of nature, subsisting and covering themselves with the flesh and skins of wild beasts. He would next find those on our frontiers in the pastoral state, raising domestic animals to supply the defects of hunting. Then succeed our own semi-barbarous citizens, the pioneers of the advance of civilization, and so in his progress he would meet the gradual shades of improving man until he would reach his, as yet, most improved state in our seaport towns. This, in fact, is equivalent to a survey, in time, of the progress of man from the infancy of cre- ation to the present day. (Pearce, quoted in Adams, 1996, p. 41)

The assumption that societal evolution progresses toward increasing differentiation of social life—from the “backward” simplicity of “primi- tive” peoples—is the legacy of the intellectual thought of the late 1800s and early 1900s (Cole, 1996; Jahoda, 2000; Shore, 1996). For example, in 1877, cultural evolutionist Lewis Henry Morgan proposed seven stages of human progress: lower savagery, middle savagery, upper savagery, lower bar- barism, middle barbarism, upper barbarism, and civilization. Societies were placed on the scale according to a variety of attributes. Especially important to his idea of the path to civilization were monogamy and the nuclear fam- ily, agriculture, and private property as the basis of economic and social or- ganization (Adams, 1996).

The scholarly elaboration of the idea of linear cultural evolution oc- curred during the same era that the disciplines of psychology, anthropology, sociology, and history arose, subdividing the topics of the broader inquiry. As Michael Cole (1996) noted, it was also the period in which large bu- reaucratic structures were growing to handle education (in schools) and economic activity (in factories and industrial organizations). Also during this time, European influence was at its peak in Africa, Asia, and South Amer- ica; in North America, large influxes of immigrants from Europe inundated the growing cities, fleeing poverty in their homelands and joining rural Americans seeking the promises of U.S. cities.

The European-based system of formal “Western” schooling was seen as a key tool for civilizing those who had not yet “progressed to this stage.” Politicians spoke of school as a way to hasten the evolutionary process (Adams, 1996). In the words of U.S. Commissioner of Education William Torrey Harris in the 1890s:

But shall we say to the tribal people that they shall not come to these higher things unless they pass through all the intermediate stages, or can we teach them directly these higher things, and save them from

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the slow progress of the ages? In the light of Christian civilization we say there is a method of rapid progress. Education has become of great potency in our hands, and we believe that we can now vicari- ously save them very much that the white race has had to go through. Look at feudalism. Look at the village community stage. . . . We have had our tribulation with them. But we say to lower races: we can help you out of these things. We can help you avoid the imperfect stages that follow them on the way to our level. Give us your children and we will educate them in the Kindergarten and in the schools. We will give them letters, and make them acquainted with the printed page. (quoted in Adams, 1996, p. 43)

The assumption that societies develop along one dimension from primitive to advanced survived into the second half of the 1900s (Cole, 1996; see also Latouche, 1996). When, after World War II, the United Na- tions planned economic and political “development” for newly independ- ent colonial empires, the goal was to make them more “developed” (in a unidirectional sense, like earlier attempts to make them more “civilized”). Formal schooling was a key tool. Schooling modeled on European or North American schools spread throughout the former colonial empires to “raise” people out of poverty and ignorance and bring them into “modern” ways.

Moving Beyond Assumptions of a Single Goal of Human Development

Assumptions based on one’s own life about what is desirable for human de- velopment have been very difficult for researchers and theorists to detect be- cause of their similarity of backgrounds (being , until recently, almost ex- clusively highly schooled men from Europe and North America). As Ulric Neisser pointed out, self-centered definitions of intelligence form the basis of intelligence tests:

Academic people are among the stoutest defenders of the notion of intelligence . . . the tests seem so obviously valid to us who are mem- bers of the academic community. . . . There is no doubt that Aca- demic Intelligence is really important for the kind of work that we do. We readily slip into believing that it is important for every kind of significant work. . . . Thus, academic people are in the position of having focused their professional activities around a particular per- sonal quality, as instantiated in a certain set of skills. We have then gone on to define the quality in terms of this skill set, and ended by asserting that persons who lack these special skills are unintelligent al- together. (1976, p. 138)

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f i g u r e 1 . 3

Eastern European Jewish teacher and young students examining a religious text.

Forays of researchers and theorists outside their own cultural commu- nities and growing communication among individuals raised with more than one community’s traditions have helped the field move beyond these ethnocentric assumptions. Research and theory now pay closer attention to the ways that distinct community goals relate to ideals for the development of children (see Super & Harkness, 1997).

For example, cultural research has drawn attention to variations in the relevance of literacy and preliteracy skills in different communities. In a community in which literacy is key to communication and economic suc- cess in adulthood, preschoolers may need to learn to distinguish between the colors and shapes of small ink marks. However, if literacy is not central in a community’s practices, young children’s skill in detecting variations in ink squiggles might have little import.

Similarly, if literacy serves important religious functions, adults may impress its importance on young children (see figure 1.3). For example, in Jewish communities of early twentieth-century Europe, a boy’s first day at school involved a major ceremony that communicated the holiness and at- tractiveness of studying (Wozniak, 1993). The boy’s father would carry him to school covered by a prayer shawl so that he would not see anything un- holy along the way, and at school the rabbi would write the alphabet in honey on a slate while other adults showered the boy with candies, telling him that angels threw them down so that he would want to study.

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School-like ways of speaking are valued in some communities but not others, and children become skilled in using the narrative style valued in their community (Minami & McCabe, 1995; Mistry, 1993a; Scollon & Scol- lon, 1981; Wolf & Heath, 1992). For example, the narrative style used in “sharing time” (show-and-tell) by African American children often involves developing themes in connected episodes, whereas the narrative style used by European American children may employ tightly structured accounts centered on a single topic, which more closely resemble the literate styles that U.S. teachers aim to foster (Michaels & Cazden, 1986). When pre- sented with narratives from which information regarding children’s group membership was removed, European American adults judged the European American children’s style as more skillful and indicating a greater chance of success in reading. In contrast, African American adults found the African American children’s narratives to be better formed and indicating language skill and likelihood of success in reading. The adults’ judgments reflected their appreciation of the children’s use of shared cultural scripts that spec- ify what is interesting to tell and how to structure it (Michaels & Cazden, 1986).

A focus on literacy or on the discourse styles promoted in schools may not hold such importance in some cultural settings, where it may be more important for young children to learn to attend to the nuances of weather patterns or of social cues of people around them, to use words cleverly to joust, or to understand the relation between human and supernatural events. The reply of the Indians of the Five Nations to an invitation in 1744 by the commissioners from Virginia to send boys to William and Mary College il- lustrates the differences in their goals:

You who are wise must know, that different nations have different conceptions of things; and you will therefore not take it amiss, if our ideas of this kind of education happen not to be the same with yours. We have had some experience of it: several of our young people were formerly brought up at the colleges of the northern provinces; they were instructed in all your sciences; but when they came back to us . . . [they were] ignorant of every means of living in the woods . . . neither fit for hunters, warriors, or counsellors; they were totally good for nothing. We are, however, not the less obliged by your kind offer . . . and to show our grateful sense of it, if the gentlemen of Virginia will send us a dozen of their sons, we will take great care of their education, instruct them in all we know, and make men of them. (quoted in Drake, 1834)

A more contemporary example of differences in goals comes from West African mothers who had recently immigrated to Paris. They criti-

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cized the French use of toys to get infants to learn something for the future as tiring out the babies, and preferred to just let babies play without fatigu- ing them (Rabain Jamin, 1994). Part of their criticism also related to a con- cern that such focus on objects may lead to impoverished communication and isolation (in much the same way that a U.S. middle-class parent might express concern about the negative impact of video games). These African mothers seemed to prioritize social intelligence over technological intelli- gence (Rabain Jamin, 1994). They more often responded to their 10- to 15- month-old infants’ social action and were less responsive to the infants’ ini- tiatives regarding objects than were French mothers. The African mothers often structured interaction with their infants around other people, whereas the French mothers often focused interaction on exploration of inanimate objects (see also Seymour, 1999). When interactions did focus on objects, the African mothers stressed the social functions of the objects, such as en- hancement of social relationships through sharing , rather than object use or action schemes.

Prioritization of social relationships also occurs in Appalachian com- munities in the United States, where commitments to other people fre- quently take precedence over completion of schooling. When hard times arise for family members or neighbors, Appalachian youth often leave jun- ior high or high school to help hold things together (Timm & Borman, 1997). Social solidarity is valued above individual accomplishment. The pull of kin and neighbors generally prevails, and has for generations.

In each community, human development is guided by local goals, which prioritize learning to function within the community’s cultural in- stitutions and technologies. Adults prioritize the adult roles and practices of their communities, or of the communities they foresee in the future, and the personal characteristics regarded as befitting mature roles (Ogbu, 1982). (Of course, different groups may benefit from learning from each other, and often people participate in more than one cultural community—topics taken up later in this book.)

Although cultural variation in goals of development needs to be rec- ognized, this does not mean that each community has a unique set of val- ues and goals. There are regularities among the variations. My point is that the idea of a single desirable “outcome” of development needs to be dis- carded as ethnocentric.

Indeed, the idea of an “outcome” of development comes from a par- ticular way of viewing childhood: as preparation for life. It may relate to the separation of children from the important activities of their community, which has occurred since industrialization in some societies (discussed in later chapters). The treatment of childhood as a time of preparation for life differs from ways of communities in which children participate in the local

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mature activities, not segregated from adult life and placed in specialized preparatory settings such as schools.

To learn from and about communities other than our own, we need to go beyond the ethnocentric assumptions from which we each begin. Often, the first and most difficult step is to recognize that our original views are generally a function of our own cultural experience, rather than the only right or possible way. This can be an uncomfortable realization, because people sometimes assume that a respectful understanding of others’ ways implies criticism of their own ways. A learning attitude, with suspended judgment of one’s own as well as others’ ways, is necessary for coming to understand how people both at home and elsewhere function in their local traditions and circumstances and for developing a general understanding of human development, with universal features built on local variations. The prospects of learning in cultural research are enhanced by communication between insiders and outsiders of particular communities, which I address in the next section.

Learning through Insider/Outsider Communication

To move our understanding of human development beyond assumptions and include the perspective of other communities, communication be- tween community “insiders” and “outsiders” is essential. It is not a matter of which perspective is correct—both have an angle on the phenomena that helps to build understanding.

However, social science discussions often question whether the insider’s or the outsider’s perspective should be taken as representing the truth (see Clifford, 1988; LeVine, 1966). Arguments involve whether insiders or out- siders of particular communities have exclusive access to understanding, or whether the views of insiders or of outsiders are more trustworthy (Merton, 1972; Paul, 1953; Wilson, 1974).

Some have even argued that, given the variety of perspectives, there is no such thing as truth, so we should give up the effort to understand social life. But this view seems too pessimistic to me. If we adopted it, we would be paralyzed not only in social science research but in daily life, where such understanding is constantly required.

The argument that only members of a community have access to the real meaning of events in that community, so outsiders’ opinions should be discarded, runs into difficulty when one notes the great variations in opin- ions among members of a community and the difficulties in determining who is qualified to represent the group. In addition, members of a com- munity often have difficulty noticing their own practices because they take their own ways for granted, like the fish not being aware of the water.

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f i g u r e 1 . 4

Leonor, Virginia, and Angelica Lozano (left to right), seated around the family’s first television in their home, about 1953 (Mexican American).

Furthermore, as I discuss more fully in Chapter 3, individuals often par- ticipate simultaneously in several different communities. Increasingly, the boundaries between inside and outside are blurred as people spend time in various communities (see Clifford, 1997; Walker, 2001). For example, people of Mexican descent living in what is now the United States are not entirely outsiders to European American communities; the practices and policies of the two communities interrelate. Similarly, an anthropologist who spends 10 or 50 years working in a community participates in some manner and gains some local understanding. Youngsters who grow up in a family with several cultural heritages, as is increasingly common, have some insider and some outsider understandings of each of their communities. Overlaps across com- munities also come from the media, daily contacts, and shared endeavors— collaborative, complementary, or contested (see figure 1.4).

Hence, it is often a simplification to refer to individuals as being “in” or

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“out” of particular communities; many communities do not have strict boundaries or homogeneity that clearly allow determination of what it takes to be “in” or “out” of them. (In Chapter 3, I argue that we need to go beyond thinking solely of membership in a single static group and instead focus on people’s participation in cultural practices of dynamically related communities whose salience to participants may vary.)

To come to a greater understanding of human functioning, people fa- miliar with different communities need to combine their varied observa- tions. What is referred to as “truth” is simply our current agreement on what seems to be a useful way to understand things; it is always under re- vision. These revisions of understanding build on constructive exchanges between people with different perspectives. Progress in understanding, then, is a matter of continually attempting to make sense of the different per- spectives, taking into account the backgrounds and positions of the viewers.

Differences in perspective are necessary for seeing and for understand- ing. Visual perception requires imperceptible movements of the eyes rela- tive to the image. If the image moves in coordination with the eye move- ments, the resulting uniformity of position makes it so the image cannot be seen. Likewise, if we close one eye and thus lose the second viewpoint sup- plied by binocular vision, our depth perception is dramatically reduced. In the same way, both people with intense identification within a community (insiders) and those with little contact in a community (outsiders) run into difficulties in making and interpreting observations. However, working to- gether, insiders and outsiders can contribute to a more edifying account than either perspective would allow by itself.

Outsiders’ Position

In seeking to understand a community’s practices, outsiders encounter dif- ficulties due to people’s reactions to their presence (fear, interest, politeness) as well as their own unfamiliarity with the local web of meaning of events. Outsiders are newcomers to the meaning system, with limited understand- ing of how practices fit together and how they have developed from prior events. At the same time, they are faced with the assumptions of commu- nity members who invariably attempt to figure out what the outsider’s role is in the community, using their everyday categories of how to treat the newcomer.

The outsider’s identity is not neutral; it allows access to only some sit- uations and elicits specific reactions when the outsider is present. For ex- ample, among the Zinacantecos, a Mayan group in Mexico, Berry Brazel- ton (1977) noted fear of observers among both adults and infants in his study of infant development: “We were automatically endowed with ‘the

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evil eye’ . . . the effects of stranger anxiety in the baby were powerfully re- inforced by his parents’ constant anxiety about our presence. We were un- able to relate to babies after nine months of age because the effect was so powerful” (p. 174).

On the other hand, an observer may elicit interest and hospitality, which may be more comfortable but also becomes a part of the events ob- served. Ruth Munroe and Lee Munroe (1971) reported that in Logoli house- holds in Africa, as soon as an observer arrived to study everyday caregiving practices with infants, the infant was readied for display. The Logoli moth- ers were very cooperative, picking up their infants and bringing them to the observer for inspection. Under such circumstances, observations would have to be interpreted as an aspect of a public greeting. Similarly, Mary Ainsworth (1977) reported that she was categorized as a visitor among the Ganda of Uganda; the mothers insisted that she observe during the after- noon, a time generally allocated to leisure and entertaining visitors.

In a study in four different communities, parents varied in their per- ception of the purpose of a home visit interview and observation of mother- toddler interactions (Rogoff, Mistry, Göncü, & Mosier, 1993). In some communities, parents saw it as a friendly visit of an acquaintance interested in child development and skills; in others, it was a pleasant social obligation to help the local schoolteacher or the researcher by answering questions or an opportunity to show off their children’s skills and newest clothes. With humor in her voice, one Turkish woman asked the researcher, who had grown up locally but studied abroad, “This is an international contest . . . Isn’t it?”

Issues of how to interpret observations are connected with restrictions in outsiders’ access. For example:

Among Hausa mothers, the custom is not to show affection for their infants in public. Now those psychologists who are concerned with nurturance and dependency will go astray on their frequency counts if they do not realize this. A casual [observer] is likely to witness only public interaction; only when much further inquiry is made is the ab- sence of the event put into its proper perspective. (Price-Williams, 1975, p. 17)

There are only a few situations in which the presence of outside ob- servers does not transform ongoing events into public ones: if the event is already public, if their presence is undetected, or if they are so familiar that their presence goes without note. Of course, their presence as a familiar member of a household would require interpretation in that light, just as the presence of other familiar people would be necessary to consider in in- terpreting the scene.

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Insiders’ Position

The issues faced by both insiders and outsiders have to do with the fact that people are always functioning in a sociocultural context. One’s interpreta- tion of the situation is necessarily that of a person from a particular time and constellation of background experiences. And if one’s presence is de- tected in a situation, one is a participant. There is no escape from interpre- tation and social presentation.

Differences in how people act when they think they are being observed or not illustrate how the simple presence of an observer (or a video camera) influences behavior. For example, U.S. middle-class mothers varied their in- teractions with their toddlers when they thought they were being observed in a research study (video equipment was conspicuously running) versus when they thought they were simply waiting in an observation room (re- pairs were “being made” on the video equipment, but observers watched from behind a one-way mirror). The mothers’ behavior when they thought they were being observed reflected middle-class U.S. concepts of “good mothering” (Graves & Glick, 1978). The amount of speech to their chil- dren doubled, and they used more indirect requests, engaged in more nam- ing and action routines, and asked more questions than when they thought they were not being observed.

Insiders also may have limited access to situations on the basis of their social identity. For example, their family’s standing in the community and their personal reputation are not matters that are easily suspended. When entering others’ homes, insiders carry with them the roles that they and their family customarily play. It may be difficult for people of one gender to enter situations that are customary for the other gender without arousing suspicions. A person’s marital status often makes a difference in the situa- tions and manner in which he or she engages with other people. For exam- ple, it could be complicated for a local young man to interview a family if he used to be a suitor of one of the daughters in the family, or if the grand- father in the family long ago was accused of cheating the young man’s grandfather out of some property. An insider, like an outsider, has far from a neutral position in the community.

In addition, an insider in a relatively homogeneous community is un- likely to have reflected on or even noticed phenomena that would be of in- terest to an outsider. As was mentioned in the section on ethnocentrism, people with experience in only one community often assume that the way things are done in their own community is the only reasonable way. This is such a deep assumption that we are often unaware of our own practices un- less we have the opportunity to see that others do things differently. Even if contrasting practices have raised insiders’ awareness of their own prac-

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tices, they still may interpret them in ways that fit with unquestioned assumptions:

We rarely recognize the extent in which our conscious estimates of what is worthwhile and what is not, are due to standards of which we are not conscious at all. But in general it may be said that the things which we take for granted without inquiry or reflection are just the things which determine our conscious thinking and decide our con- clusions. And these habitudes which lie below the level of reflection are just those which have been formed in the constant give and take of relationship with others. (Dewey, 1916, p. 22)

The next section examines how varying interpretations can be used and then modified in the effort to reach more satisfactory accounts of human development in different cultural communities. Understanding across cul- tural groups requires adopting

a mode of encounter that I call learning for self-transformation: that is, to place oneself and the other in a privileged space of learning, where the desire [is] not just to acquire “information” or to “repre- sent,” but to recognize and welcome transformation in the inner self through the encounter. While Geertz claims that it’s not necessary (or even possible) to adopt the other’s world view in order to understand it . . . I also think that authentic understanding must be grounded in the sense of genuine humility that being a learner requires: the sense that what’s going on with the other has, perhaps, some lessons for me. (Hoffman, 1997, p. 17)

Moving between Local and Global Understandings

Researchers working as outsiders to the community they are studying have grappled with how they can make inferences based on what they observe. (The concepts cultural researchers have developed are important for any re- search in which an investigator is attempting to make sense of people dif- ferent from themselves, including work with people of an age or gender different from the researcher’s.) The dilemma is that for research to be valu- able, it needs both to reflect the phenomena from a perspective that makes sense locally and to go beyond simply presenting the details of a particular locale. The issue is one of effectively combining depth of understanding of the people and settings studied and going beyond the particularities to make a more general statement about the phenomena. Two approaches to move from local to more global understandings are discussed next. The first

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distinguishes rounds of interpretation that seek open-minded improvement of understanding. The second considers the role of meaning in attempts to compare “similar” situations across communities.

Revising Understanding in Derived Etic Approaches

The process of carefully testing assumptions and open-mindedly revising one’s understanding in the light of new information is essential for learning about cultural ways. The distinctions offered by John Berry (1969; 1999) among emic, imposed etic, and derived etic approaches to cultural research are useful for thinking about this process of revision.

In an emic approach, an investigator attempts to represent cultural in- siders’ perspective on a particular community, usually by means of extensive observation and participation in the activities of the community. Emic re- search produces in-depth analyses of one community and can often be use- ful as such.

The imposed and derived etic approaches attempt to generalize or compare beyond one group and differ in their sensitivity to emic informa- tion. The imposed etic approach can be seen as a preliminary step on the way to a more adequate derived etic understanding.

In an imposed etic approach, an investigator makes general statements about human functioning across communities based on imposing a cul- turally inappropriate understanding. This involves uncritically applying theory, assumptions, and measures from research or everyday life from the researcher’s own community. The ideas and procedures are not suffi- ciently adapted to the community or phenomenon being studied, and al- though the researcher may “get data,” the results are not interpreted in a way that is sufficiently congruent with the situation in the community being studied.

For example, an imposed etic approach could involve administering questionnaires, coding behavior, or testing people without considering the need to modify the procedures or their interpretation to fit the perspective of the research participants. An imposed etic approach proceeds without sufficient evidence that the phenomenon is being interpreted as the re- searcher assumes. Even when a researcher is interested in studying some- thing that seems very concrete and involves very little inference (such as whether people are touching), some understanding of local practices and meanings is necessary to decide when and where to observe and how to in- terpret the behavior (for example, whether to consider touching as evidence of stimulation or sensitivity to an infant). Mary Ainsworth critiqued the use of preconceived variables in imposed etic research: “Let us not blind

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ourselves to the unusual features of the unfamiliar society by limiting our- selves to variables or to procedures based on the familiar society—our own” (1977, p. 145).

In a derived etic approach, the researcher adapts ways of questioning , observing , and interpreting to fit the perspective of the participants. The resulting research is informed by emic approaches in each group studied and by seeking to understand the meaning of phenomena to the research participants.

Cultural researchers usually aspire to use both the emic and the derived etic approaches. They seek to understand the communities studied, adapt procedures and interpretations in light of what they learn, and modify the- ories to reflect the similarities and variations sensitively observed. The de- rived etic approach is essential to discerning cultural patterns in the variety of human practices and traditions.

It may be helpful to think of the starting point of any attempt to un- derstand something new as stemming from an imposed etic approach. We all start with what we know already. If this is informed by emic observations accompanied by efforts to move beyond the starting assumptions, we may move closer to derived etic understanding. But derived etic understanding is a continually moving target: The new understanding becomes the current imposed etic understanding that forms the starting point of the next line of study, in a process of continual refinement and revision.

Because observations can never be freed from the observers’ assump- tions, interests, and perspective, some scholars conclude that there should be no attempt to understand cross-community regularities of phenomena. However, with sensitive observation and interpretation, we can come to a more satisfactory understanding of the phenomena that interest us, which can help guide our actions with each other. That this process of learning never ends is not a reason to avoid it.

Indeed, the process of trying to understand other people is essential for daily functioning as well as for scholarly work. The different perspectives brought to bear on interpreting phenomena by different observers are of in- terest in their own right, particularly now that research participants in many parts of the world contribute to the design and interpretation of research, not just responding to the questionnaires or tests of foreign visitors.

Research on issues of culture inherently requires an effort to examine the meaning of one system in terms of another. Some research is explicitly comparative across cultural communities. But even in emic research, in which the aim is to describe the ways of a cultural community in its own terms, a description that makes sense to people within the community needs to be stated in terms that also make sense outside the system. Often,

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descriptions are in a language different from that of the community mem- bers, whether the shift is from one national language to another or from folk terms to academic terms. All languages refer to concepts of local im- portance in ways somewhat different from others, reflecting cultural con- cepts in the effort to communicate. Therefore, the issue of “translation”— and consideration of the meaning and comparability of situations and ideas across communities—is inescapable.

The Meaning of the “Same” Situation across Communities

An issue for any comparison or discussion across communities is the simi- larity of meaning or the comparability of the situations observed (Cole & Means, 1981). Simply ensuring that the same categories of people are pres- ent or the same instructions used does not ensure comparability, because the meaning of the particular cast of characters or instructions is likely to vary across communities.

For example, in collecting data with American and Micronesian care- givers and infants, researchers had a difficult choice. They could examine caregiver-infant interactions in the most prevalent social context in which caregivers and infants are found in each community: The American care- givers and children were usually alone with each other; the Micronesian caregivers and infants were usually in the presence of a group. Or they could hold social context constant in the two communities (Sostek et al., 1981). The researchers decided to observe in both circumstances and com- pare the findings; they found that the social context of their observations differentiated caregiver-infant interaction in each community.

Following identical procedures in two communities, such as limiting observations to times that mothers and infants are alone together, clearly does not ensure comparability of observations. Studies examining mother- infant interaction across communities need to reflect the varying prevalence of this situation. For example, several decades ago in a study in the United States, 92% of mothers usually or always cared for their infants, whereas in an East African agricultural society, 38% of mothers were the usual care- givers (Leiderman & Leiderman, 1974). A study that compared mother- child interactions in these two cultural communities would need to inter- pret the findings in the light of the different purposes and prevalence of mother-child interaction in each.

In addition to considering who is present, comparisons need to attend to what people are doing together, for what purposes, and how their activ- ity fits with the practices and traditions of their community. Inevitably, the meaning of what is observed must be considered.

Serious doubts have been raised as to whether situations are ever strictly

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comparable in cross-cultural research, as the idea of comparability may as- sume that everything except the aspect of interest is held constant. In an evaluation of personality research, Rick Shweder (1979) concluded that sit- uations cannot be comparable across cultural communities:

To talk of personality differences one must observe behavior differ- ences in equivalent situations. . . . The crucial question then be- comes, How are we to decide that the differential responses we ob- serve are in fact differential responses to an equivalent set of stimuli. . . . With respect to which particular descriptive components must stimuli (situations, contexts, environments) be shown to be equivalent? . . . A situation (environment, context, setting) is more than its physical properties as defined by an outside observer. . . . It is a situated activ- ity defined in part by its goal from the point of view of the actor. “What any rational person would do under the circumstances” de- pends upon what the person is trying to accomplish. (pp. 282–284)

Shweder argued that because local norms for the appropriate means of reaching a goal must be written into the very definition of the behavioral situation, “two actors are in ‘comparable’ or ‘equivalent’ situations only to the extent that they are members of the same culture!” (p. 285).

Perhaps the most crucial issue in the question of comparability is de- ciding how to interpret what is observed. It cannot be assumed that the same behavior has identical meaning in different communities. For exam- ple, native Hawaiian children were observed to make fewer verbal requests for help than Caucasian children in Hawaiian classrooms (Gallimore, Boggs, & Jordan, 1974; cited in Price-Williams, 1975). However, before con- cluding that this group was making fewer requests for assistance, the re- searchers considered the possibility that the children made requests for as- sistance differently. Indeed, they discovered that the Hawaiian children were requesting assistance nonverbally: steadily watching the teacher from a distance or approaching, standing nearby, or briefly touching her. These nonverbal requests may be directly related to the cultural background of the children, in which verbal requests for help from adults are considered inap- propriate but nonverbal requests are acceptable.

Identical behavior may have different connotations and functions in different communities (Frijda & Jahoda, 1966). Some researchers have pro- posed that phenomena be compared in terms of what people are trying to accomplish rather than in terms of specific behaviors. Robert Sears (1961) argued for distinguishing goals or motives (such as help seeking in the Hawaiian study) from instrumental means used to reach the goals (such as whether children request assistance verbally or nonverbally). In his view, although instrumental means vary across communities, goals themselves

Orienting Concepts 33

 

 

may be considered transcultural. John Berry proposed that aspects of be- havior be compared “only when they can be shown to be functionally equivalent, in the sense that the aspect of behavior in question is an at- tempted solution” to a recurrent problem shared by the different groups (1969, p. 122; see figure 1.5).

A focus on the function (or purpose or goal) of people’s behavior facil- itates understanding how different ways of doing things may be used to accomplish similar goals, or how similar ways of doing things may serve different goals. Although all cultural communities address issues that are common to human development worldwide, due to our specieswide cul- tural and biological heritage, different communities may apply similar means to different goals and different means to similar goals.

The next two chapters focus in more depth on how we can conceive of the cultural nature of human development. They examine the idea that human development is biologically cultural and discuss ways of thinking

34 T H E C U L T U R A L N A T U R E O F H U M A N D E V E L O P M E N T

f i g u r e 1 . 5

John Collier and Malcolm Collier suggested that family mealtimes could provide a basis for comparisons that would help define relationships within families in different communities. The first picture shows an evening meal in a home in Vicos, Peru; the second shows supper in a Spanish American home in New Mexico; the third picture shows breakfast in the home of an advertising executive’s family in Connecticut.

 

 

Orienting Concepts 35

 

 

about similarities and differences across cultural communities in how peo- ple learn and develop. They discuss concepts to relate individual and cul- tural processes, expanding on the overarching orienting concept: that hu- mans develop through their changing participation in the sociocultural activities of their communities, which also change.

 
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